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301.
Jack E. Call 《American Journal of Criminal Justice》2010,35(4):236-249
In police practices cases, the Supreme Court decides issues that determine when the law enforcement interest in solving crimes
must give way to the interest of individuals to be left alone by the government. The replacement of Chief Justice Rehnquist
with John Roberts and Justice Sandra Day O’Connor with Samuel Alito has now been in place for more than four terms. The time
is appropriate to assess the likely impact of these two new members of the Court on police practices cases. This article examines
that question by analyzing both the police practices opinions written by Roberts and Alito while they served on U.S. Courts
of Appeals and their opinions while on the Supreme Court through the 2008-09 term. The conclusion is that the previous pattern
of the police prevailing in the vast majority of these cases is unlikely to change. In addition, there is some evidence to
suggest that Chief Justice Roberts is aligning himself closely with Justice Scalia in these cases and may be setting the stage
for a significant modification or even elimination of the exclusionary rule. 相似文献
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This paper examines the content of 23 recognized classic books in the field of management. The sample included books from all major schools of administrative thought and spans the period of 1912-1977. The results of a content analysis illustrated that a series of relatively well defined recurring themes emerged in this period of 65 years. An argument is made that while many innovative management ideas have been and continue to be formulated, administrators should be familiar with the importance of the recurring themes. Moreover, educators should be careful not to “shortchange” these fundamentals in favor of more contemporary and seemingly exciting new ideas. 相似文献
305.
Jack Spence 《South African Journal of International Affairs》2013,20(1):118-125
South Africa is no exception to the rule that there tends to be continuity in a state's foreign policy even in the event of far‐reaching domestic political change. But given the new South Africa's debt to a global human rights campaign, the emphasis on ‘staking out the moral high ground’ in the rhetoric of the country's new decision‐makers and of commentators is not surprising. The article discusses the creative tension between the claims of morality and the constraints of realpolitik in the debate on the formulation of the new South Africa's foreign policy. It identifies both differences and overlaps in the approaches of realists and radicals to the conduct of the country's foreign policy. 相似文献
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Although power transition theory offers a powerful model of international conflict, scholars have not adequately operationalized the theory's key variable of satisfaction/dissatisfaction with the status quo. We argue that status dissatisfaction is an important component of a rising state's overall dissatisfaction with the system. We apply our revised power transition framework to the 1894–1895 Sino-Japanese War. Japan's revisionist foreign policy was driven by economic and security threats posed by China's control over Korea, dissatisfaction with Japan's place in the China-dominated East Asian hierarchy, the hope for recognition as a great power by the West, status-related domestic pressures, and by belief change that was endogenous to shifting power. Despite several earlier crises, Japan made the decision for war only after it had achieved parity with China, which is consistent with power transition theory's hypothesis that under conditions of shifting power, parity is a necessary condition for war. 相似文献
308.
Jack Black 《Critical Studies on Terrorism》2019,12(2):228-249
This article examines how ?i?ek’s analysis of “subjective” violence can be used to explore the ways in which media coverage of a terrorist attack is contoured and shaped by less noticeable forms of “objective” (symbolic and systemic) violence. Drawing upon newspaper coverage of the 2017 London Bridge attack, it is noted how examples of “subjective” violence were grounded in the externalisation of a clearly identifiable “other”, which symbolically framed the terrorists and the attack as tied to and representative of the UK Muslim community. Examples of “systematic” violence were most notable in the ideological edifice that underpinned this framing but also in the ways in which newspaper reports served to draw upon British values in the aftermath of the attack. This directed attention away from the contradictions within the UK, towards narratives that sought to “fix” these contradictions through eradicating the problem of “the other” and/or by violently protecting the British values “they” seek to undermine. As a consequence, newspaper coverage worked to uphold the illusion that “peace” could be achieved by eradicating terrorism through further forms of objective violence, including, internment without trial; the “ripping up” of human rights; and closer surveillance of Muslim communities. Indeed, it was this unacknowledged violence that worked to maintain British values in the press' coverage. 相似文献
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Jack K. Day Amaya Perez-Brumer Stephen T. Russell 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2018,47(8):1731-1742
The magnitude of gender identity-related disparities in school-based outcomes is unknown because of a lack of representative studies that include measures of gender identity. By utilizing a representative sample generalizable to a broader population, this study elucidates the size of gender identity-related disparities, independent of sexual orientation, in school experiences associated with school connectedness and perceptions of school climate. Additionally, the inclusion of and comparison to results of a large non-representative sample allows for more direct comparisons to previous studies of the school experiences of transgender youth. The analyses in this study primarily draw on a sample of 31,896 youth representative of the middle and high school population in California who participated in the 2013–2015 California Student Survey (a subsample of the California Healthy Kids Survey, which includes the largest known sample of transgender youth). Over half the sample identified their sex as female (51.3%), and 398 identified as transgender (1.0%). The sample was racially and ethnically diverse: 30.7% identified as multiracial, 33.0% as White, 11.1% as Asian, 7.4% as Black, and 52.9% as Hispanic. Findings from multilevel analyses show that relative to non-transgender youth, transgender youth were more likely to be truant from school, to experience victimization and bias-based bullying, and to report more negative perceptions of school climate, though did not differ in self-reported grades. The findings have implications for improving school policies and practices to create safer and more supportive school climates for all youth. 相似文献