首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   304篇
  免费   21篇
各国政治   18篇
工人农民   20篇
世界政治   24篇
外交国际关系   33篇
法律   112篇
政治理论   114篇
综合类   4篇
  2023年   8篇
  2022年   4篇
  2021年   8篇
  2020年   13篇
  2019年   11篇
  2018年   21篇
  2017年   24篇
  2016年   21篇
  2015年   6篇
  2014年   12篇
  2013年   52篇
  2012年   5篇
  2011年   8篇
  2010年   4篇
  2009年   11篇
  2008年   8篇
  2007年   3篇
  2006年   9篇
  2005年   7篇
  2004年   3篇
  2003年   7篇
  2002年   2篇
  2001年   6篇
  2000年   5篇
  1999年   3篇
  1998年   3篇
  1997年   2篇
  1996年   3篇
  1995年   3篇
  1994年   4篇
  1992年   3篇
  1991年   2篇
  1990年   6篇
  1989年   4篇
  1988年   2篇
  1987年   2篇
  1986年   3篇
  1984年   1篇
  1983年   3篇
  1981年   3篇
  1980年   4篇
  1979年   2篇
  1978年   1篇
  1977年   1篇
  1976年   2篇
  1973年   3篇
  1971年   1篇
  1970年   3篇
  1969年   1篇
  1966年   1篇
排序方式: 共有325条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
101.
102.
Professor Jacob Bercovitch of the University of Canterbury in Christchurch, New Zealand, and S. Ayse Kadayifci from the American University in Washington D.C., argue that the current conflict between the Israelis and Palestinians can be best understood as an example of a complex intractable conflict. Such conflicts are usually managed through the intervention of mediators at the "right moment," otherwise they risk failure and further conflict escalation. In contrast to the literature on "ripe moments," the authors argue that it is possible to have more then one right moment in the life cycle of a conflict, which can even be created by mediators. In the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, there was such a moment in 1993, which was subsequently lost. In the following article, the authors analyze the Oslo Process from this "ripe moment" perspective, and suggest an integrated third party approach to create a perception amongst the parties involved that a moment of opportunity is at hand.  相似文献   
103.
Efforts to avoid punishment are generally deemed undesirable and therefore punished or otherwise regulated. In reality, however, not all avoidance efforts are punishable or regulable, at least not to the same degree. For practical or sometimes constitutional reasons, certain efforts to avoid punishment, such as non-creation of incrementing evidence or zealous criminal litigation, are non-punishable. This paper examines whether and under what conditions it is wise to deter avoidance efforts in a setting with multiple avoidance activities, some of which are non-regulable/punishable. The main results of this paper are that deterring certain avoidance activities does not necessarily: (i) decrease the extent to which offenders engage in avoidance activities; and (ii) more importantly, improve deterrence of the principal crimes. Normatively, then, it might be better to let certain punishable avoidance activities go unpunished or, more surprisingly, even to subsidize them. This calls into question recent responses by lawmakers after evidentiary fouls, such as those at Enron, WorldCom and HealthSouth, to stiffen penalties for obstruction of justice.
Avraham D. TabbachEmail:
  相似文献   
104.
Political Behavior - A correction to this paper has been published: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11109-021-09693-y  相似文献   
105.
Sunset provisions are clauses embedded in legislation that cause a piece of legislation or a regulatory board to expire on a certain date unless the legislature takes affirmative action to renew the legislation or board. Supporters and legislators offer several reasons why sunset laws are valuable and useful. An article by Baugus and Bose (2015), reported on the king-and-council model of Congleton (2001), suggests that sunset laws are a key tool legislatures use in asserting themselves against an executive branch that often dominates state government. We investigate this possibility using empirical analysis, which suggests that part-time legislatures, specifically, a form of part-time legislature referred to as hybrid legislatures, are more prone to use sunset legislation as a tool to keep the executive preferences in check.  相似文献   
106.
107.
While the United Nations and NGOs are pushing for global judicialization of economic, social, and cultural rights (ESCRs), little is known of their consequences. We provide evidence of the effects of introducing three types of ESCRs into the constitution: the rights to education, health, and social security. Employing a large panel covering annual data from 160 countries in the period 1960–2010, we find no robust evidence of positive effects of ESCRs. We do, however, document adverse medium‐term effects on education, inflation, and civil rights.  相似文献   
108.
109.
110.
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号