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101.
102.
While the United Nations and NGOs are pushing for global judicialization of economic, social, and cultural rights (ESCRs), little is known of their consequences. We provide evidence of the effects of introducing three types of ESCRs into the constitution: the rights to education, health, and social security. Employing a large panel covering annual data from 160 countries in the period 1960–2010, we find no robust evidence of positive effects of ESCRs. We do, however, document adverse medium‐term effects on education, inflation, and civil rights. 相似文献
103.
Mattias Johansson Merle Jacob Tomas Hellström 《The Journal of Technology Transfer》2005,30(3):271-286
This article investigates the relationship between universities and academic spin-offs, with special emphasis on the antecedent conditions of, and the nature of the linkages that the spin-offs form, as well as the means for sustaining them. The present research uses an instrumental case study approach, and is also an instance of a collective case study as four companies of various size and activities have been studied together. The preliminary results indicate that the network relations are characterized by a small number of strong ties to universities, with a high degree of trust and informality. Although fruitful for the transfer of complex knowledge, the strength of the ties also make them difficult to substitute, which may lead to problems as the spin-offs are highly dependent on continued basic research support. This may in turn lead to implications for policy at university, as well as higher levels. 相似文献
104.
While great strides have been made in increasing the awareness of the significance of technology transfer among policymakers and regulators, much still remains to be done. Budgetary problems will not be short-term, and it is likely that the next steps in improving technology transfer must be taken through existing channels. This paper examines strategies for improving technology transfer which might be taken within the federal laboratories themselves, as well as strategies to be followed by government policymakers and private firms. Also examined are alternative measures of technology transfer activity. 相似文献
105.
Werksman Jacob Baumert Kevin A. Dubash Navroz K. 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2003,3(1):59-86
Rules governing the global environment and the international economy are currently decided in separate arenas. Yet, environmental agreements can have strong economic implications, particularly with the growing use of market mechanisms. Economic liberalization rules, meanwhile, may limit the effectiveness of environmental agreements. This paper assesses the potential interaction between one important market-based environmental mechanism – the Clean Development Mechanism of the Kyoto Protocol on climate change – and the framework of international investment law. 相似文献
106.
Frida Möller Karl DeRouen Jr. Jacob Bercovitch Peter Wallensteen 《Negotiation Journal》2007,23(4):373-391
At of the end of 2005, Asia had the highest number of active civil war dyads. The number of active dyads in other regions was either low or declining. Africa, in particular, experienced a sharp drop in the number of active dyads from 2001 to 2005. Civil wars in Asia also last longer than wars in other regions. With a high number of warring dyads fighting in long wars, the expectation would be that the region would be the focus of third-party conflict management, but this is not the case. In this article, we use an original data set to take a closer look at this gap in expectations by focusing on third-party efforts in Southeast Asia between 1993 and 2004. Bilateral talks were the most common form of third-party engagement, but mediation has been the most likely form to lead to agreements between warring parties. We conclude the article with a discussion of the policy implications of this research. 相似文献
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109.
Jason M. Roberts Jacob F. H. Smith Sarah A. Treul 《Journal of Elections, Public Opinion & Parties》2016,26(1):96-114
This paper examines the effects of the increased role of party organizations in the recruitment and funding of congressional candidates in the US House post-1994. The recent uncertainty over which party will gain majority control of the House has transformed the role of party organizations in House campaigns. Despite the new resources devoted to each competitive seat in the House we find minimal changes in the overall competitiveness of US House elections. Additionally, the vast majority of potentially competitive seats do not draw a high quality challenger. Our results suggest that if parties recruited more quality candidates in the full range of these conceivably winnable seats this effort could produce more competitive seats or more seat turnover in the House. 相似文献
110.
Ramiro MartinezJr. Jacob I. Stowell Janice A. Iwama 《Journal of Quantitative Criminology》2016,32(3):471-488