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11.
Bezerra de Menezes LM Volpato MC Rosalen PL Cury JA 《Forensic science international》2003,137(2-3):209-214
The use of bone as a biomarker for chronic and acute exposure to fluoride salts has been suggested, but there are no data published about its use to evaluate lethal intoxication. One hundred and sixty rats were divided into eight groups that received a single oral intubation dose from 0 (control) to 90 mg F/kg as NaF. The animals' time of death was recorded and their femurs were removed for fluoride analysis. Acid-soluble fluoride was determined in the whole bone and on the surface (periosteal), using an ion specific electrode. The data showed a statistically significant relationship between fluoride dose and the number of deaths (P<0.0001). A statistically significant relationship was also found between fluoride dose and fluoride concentration ([F]) in either the whole femur (P<0.0017), on the surface (P<0.0001) or for the ratio periosteal [F]/whole [F] (P<0.0001). However, the [F] on the femur surface was more closely correlated with mortality than that in the whole bone, showing statistically significant differences among the lethal doses and control (P<0.05). The data suggest that the ratio [F] periosteal bone/[F] whole bone, is a biomarker for acute fluoride toxicity. 相似文献
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Methodological limitations have hindered our ability to understand the conditions that make individuals seek or avoid political discussions. We introduce a methodological approach to assess communication preferences in contexts where these choices are difficult to measure. We conduct three experiments to examine how the characteristics of the people in a discussion, as well as its topic, influence an individual’s “price” to participate. Participants indicated how much they would need to be compensated to participate in a short discussion about a randomly assigned topic (political or nonpolitical) under different group compositions (co-partisans, out-partisans, or a mixed group). We find that individuals demanded significantly more compensation to engage in a discussion with out-partisans than with co-partisans, for both political and non-political topics. 相似文献
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Journal of Youth and Adolescence - Social disorganization theory argues that disadvantaged neighborhoods will have less cohesion and control, and therefore will be less conducive to effective... 相似文献
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Use of Embryos Extracted from Individual Cannabis sativa Seeds for Genetic Studies and Forensic Applications 下载免费PDF全文
Salvador Soler Ph.D. Dionís Borràs B.Sc. Santiago Vilanova Ph.D. Alicia Sifres Ph.D. Isabel Andújar Ph.D. Maria R. Figàs M.Sc. Ernesto R. Llosa B.Sc. Jaime Prohens Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2016,61(2):494-500
Legal limits on the psychoactive tetrahydrocannabinol (THC) content in Cannabis sativa plants have complicated genetic and forensic studies in this species. However, Cannabis seeds present very low THC levels. We developed a method for embryo extraction from seeds and an improved protocol for DNA extraction and tested this method in four hemp and six marijuana varieties. This embryo extraction method enabled the recovery of diploid embryos from individual seeds. An improved DNA extraction protocol (CTAB3) was used to obtain DNA from individual embryos at a concentration and quality similar to DNA extracted from leaves. DNA extracted from embryos was used for SSR molecular characterization in individuals from the 10 varieties. A unique molecular profile for each individual was obtained, and a clear differentiation between hemp and marijuana varieties was observed. The combined embryo extraction–DNA extraction methodology and the new highly polymorphic SSR markers facilitate genetic and forensic studies in Cannabis. 相似文献
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Peter John Loewen Royce Koop Jaime Settle James H. Fowler 《American journal of political science》2014,58(1):189-196
Does lawmaker behavior influence electoral outcomes? Observational studies cannot elucidate the effect of legislative proposals on electoral outcomes, since effects are confounded by unobserved differences in legislative and political skill. We take advantage of a unique natural experiment in the Canadian House of Commons that allows us to estimate how proposing legislation affects election outcomes. The right of noncabinet members to propose legislation is assigned by lottery. Comparing outcomes between those who were granted the right to propose and those who were not, we show that incumbents of the governing party enjoy a 2.7 percentage point bonus in vote total in the election following their winning the right to introduce a single piece of legislation, which translates to a 7% increase in the probability of winning. The causal effect results from higher likeability among constituents. These results demonstrate experimentally that what politicians do as lawmakers has a causal effect on electoral outcomes. 相似文献
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Mary Elizabeth Wood Jaime L. Anderson Marie L. Gillespie Apryl A. Alexander Tamika Backstrom-Sieh David M. Glassmire 《The journal of forensic psychiatry & psychology》2019,30(2):250-269
Inpatient competence restoration treatment comes with enormous costs in terms of civil liberties, but also significant financial costs to the state/institution responsible for providing the treatment. The present investigation was designed to evaluate the utility of a commonly used competence assessment instrument, the MacArthur Competence Assessment Tool – Criminal Adjudication (MacCAT-CA), in identifying individuals who may require more tailored, lengthier, and/or more intensive treatment. The sample included 93 men and women who were administered the MacCAT-CA during an inpatient hospitalization for competence restoration treatment in the United States. All of the patients were restored to competence within the study period, ranging from 3 to 32 months of inpatient hospitalization. Results suggest that performance on the MacCAT-CA was associated with hospitalization length, with total scores as the greatest predictor of response to treatment. Sensitivity and specificity estimates are discussed in terms of their utility in identifying patients most at-risk for extended hospitalization, with the authors arguing that instruments like the MacCAT-CA can be used in a practical manner of identifying patients who might require greater or more intensive treatment. 相似文献
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Christopher Salvatore Matthew L. Hiller Benta Samuelson Jaime S. Henderson Elise White 《Juvenile & family court journal》2011,62(4):19-36
The shift of the juvenile justice system from its initial rehabilitative ideal toward a more punitive orientation highlights the need to systematically document key elements of the juvenile drug court model. In particular, it is important to clearly document the role of the juvenile court judge because he or she is considered vital to this program model. The current study used participant observation as well as confidential questionnaires on which youth shared their perceptions of the judge. Findings show the judge‐participant interactions typically were brief, varied by the participants' level of compliance with the program, and that sanctions were given twice as often as rewards. Youth perceived the judge to be fair, respectful, and concerned about their lives. Discussion focuses on the significant opportunity that juvenile drug court judges have for positively influencing the lives of drug‐involved youth. 相似文献
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Jaime Joseph A 《Development in Practice》2000,10(3-4):390-401
Development NGOs are in crisis. They are losing their capacity to engage in critical analysis and propose global solutions; to react to or seize the political initiative; or to situate themselves on the cutting edge of those social and political processes in which new approaches and potential solutions might be found. While some NGOs have sought to accommodate themselves around donors' policies and projects that focus on reducing the negative effects of structural adjustment, the raison d'être of NGOs is to have the autonomy, initiative, and flexibility that non-governmental status confers upon them. A growing split between NGOs' capacity to lobby and do research and their grassroots work reflects a deeper division that exists-- both practical and theoretical --between the concept and process of development and the concept and process of democratisation. The author argues that human development and participatory and representative democracy are both mutually reinforcing and indivisible and that the challenge the NGOs face is to link--theoretically and practically--democracy with development. 相似文献