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231.
232.
Paul 't Hart 《German politics》2013,22(2):273-291
In this article, we reconstruct and interpret the Adenauer–Erhard leadership rivalry in the CDU. This leadership struggle culminated in Erhard replacing Adenauer in 1963 and Adenauer's continued ‘guerrilla’ warfare against Erhard's leadership, which was one of the contributing factors to the brevity of Erhard's tenure. The case is of intrinsic historical interest but also provides a muster for recent and ongoing leadership succession predicaments in governing parties in Germany and elsewhere. The article presents a conceptual framework of party leadership succession, and zooms in on the (mis)match between the tactical choices made by the incumbent leader and key succession candidates as a key factor explaining the nature and impact of successions. The framework is then applied to the case, and the implications of the findings are placed in a broader comparative context. 相似文献
233.
234.
A survey of public interest group leaders suggests some reasons why few third parties have chosen to advertise in recent elections. It indicates that public interest groups abstain from election advertising not because of the strictures of the Canada Elections Act but for other reasons, notably cost and fear of losing charitable status or of jeopardizing their access to and influence with officials. While the significance of these findings is limited by the scale of the survey, the results do raise tantalizing questions that warrant further research. 相似文献
235.
236.
Engagement in school is crucial for academic success and school completion. Surprisingly little research has focused on the
relationship between student engagement and delinquency. This study examines whether engagement predicts subsequent school
and general misconduct among 4,890 inner-city Chicago elementary school students (mean age: 11 years and 4 months; 43.3% boys;
66.5% black; 28.8% Latino). To improve upon prior research in this area, we distinguish three types of engagement (emotional,
behavioral, and cognitive), examine whether the relationship between engagement and misconduct is bidirectional (misconduct
also impairs engagement), and control for possible common causes of low engagement and misconduct, including peer and family
relationships and relatively stable indicators of risk-proneness. Emotional and behavioral engagement predict decreases in
school and general delinquency. However, cognitive engagement is associated with increases in these outcomes. School and general
delinquency predict decreased engagement only in the cognitive domain. Suggestions for future research and implications for
policy are discussed. 相似文献
237.
238.
During the period of the Bush Presidency, the federal governmentproceeded to centralize and nationalize policy in major areasformerly controlled by states and localities. The extensionof federal goals and standards to such areas as education testing,sales tax collection, emergency management, infrastructure,and elections administration were among the areas of significantmandates and preemptions. The continuation of policy centralizationin areas under a conservative and unified political regime showshow strong and deep the roots are for centralizing policy actionsin our intergovernmental system. 相似文献
239.
Chris W. Bonneau Thomas H. Hammond Forrest Maltzman Paul J. Wahlbeck 《American journal of political science》2007,51(4):890-905
Some scholars argue that the author of the majority opinion exercises the most influence over the Court's opinion-writing process and so can determine what becomes Court policy, at least within the limits of what some Court majority finds acceptable. Other students of the Court have suggested that the Court's median justice effectively dictates the content of the majority opinion: whatever policy the median justice most wants, she can get. We test these competing models with data on Supreme Court decision making during the Burger Court (1969–86). While we find substantial evidence for both models, the agenda control model gains greater support. This suggests that opinions on the Court on each case are driven, in general, by the interaction of three key variables: the policy preferences of the majority opinion author, the policy preferences of the median justice, and the location of the legal status quo . 相似文献
240.
Paul A. Djupe Anand E. Sokhey Christopher P. Gilbert 《American journal of political science》2007,51(4):906-920
We investigate the sources of an important form of social inequality: the social processes by which men and women acquire participatory resources in organizations. In particular, we investigate the extent to which men and women acquire civic skills and are targets for political recruitment within churches. Integrating theory about social interaction within an organizational structure, we hypothesize that the ways in which women gain politically relevant resources from the church are simply different from those of men. Three factors explain the institutional treatment of women in churches: (1) women's political contributions are devalued; (2) women respond to social cues more than men do; (3) women respond to political cues from clergy—especially female clergy—whereas men do not. Our findings of gender differences in civic resource acquisition provide a more nuanced treatment of the mobilization process and have broad implications for the relationship between political difference and participatory democracy . 相似文献