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11.
Jens Christopher Andvig 《Crime, Law and Social Change》1995,23(4):289-313
The article explores the extent, the institutional mechanisms and economic consequences of economically motivated bribery in the Norwegian (and British) oil industry. It focuses on corruption directed against middle-level management in the oil companies. The empirical part of the study is partly based on public information collected from court cases, mainly from British courts; and partly based on systematic interviews of security experts in Norwegian and international oil companies, and British and Norwegian police. 相似文献
12.
Jens Peter Frølund Thomsen 《Scandinavian political studies》2012,35(2):159-178
As European majority members are often hostile toward ethnic minorities, it is important to identify sources that reduce opposition to immigrants. First, focusing on Denmark, this article examines whether intergroup contact influences attitudes toward ethnic minority rights (henceforth: ‘ethnic tolerance’). Second, this study tests whether the contact‐tolerance relationship is mediated by self‐disclosure and symbolic threat. Furthermore, contact is measured as workplace contact in order to reduce self‐selection biases. The empirical tests are performed on a Danish high‐quality national probability sample from 2009 (N = 1,929). Analysis shows that intergroup contact generates ethnic tolerance because workplace contact weakens threat perceptions and stimulates disclosure of personal information. Generally, these results suggest that regular intergroup contact can improve ethnic relations in contemporary democracies. 相似文献
13.
H Fremdt K Szpila J Huijbregts A Lindström R Zehner J Amendt 《Forensic science international》2012,222(1-3):335-339
In Europe, the blowfly genus Lucilia is represented in Forensic Entomology mainly by the species L. ampullacea, L. caesar, L. illustris and L. sericata. In the US, Lucilia silvarum is rarely recorded as a carrion breeding species but usually as a more or less exclusive parasite of frogs and toads. We present three forensic cases from different European countries reporting, for the first time, L. silvarum on human bodies that were found close to lakes, wetlands, or riversides. To use this species for post-mortem interval estimations, thermal development data is needed. The first step is accurate identification by morphological and molecular means. Therefore, we analysed a 611bp part of the mitochondrial COI region for 23 specimens of L. silvarum from 9 different geographical regions, all of which give the same haplotype. Differences within the haplotype varied by up to 0.2%. Comparison between the haplotype found and those published on GenBank showed up to 1.2% variance. Moreover, we present an updated key for the morphological identification of the third larval instars of European Lucilia spp. of forensic importance, adding not only L. silvarum, but also L. cuprina which was recorded in Europe for the first time about 20 years ago. 相似文献
14.
Jens Ladefoged Mortensen 《European Law Journal》2000,6(2):176-204
To the liberal economist, ‘globalisation’ denotes the virtuous circle of expanded trade, investment and economic growth around the globe. In the political world, ‘globalisation’ is the vaguely understood and yet powerful undercurrents of irrevocable economic changes which have generated social tensions and environmental damage, loss of domestic competitiveness and national sovereignty. Throughout the social sciences, the usage of the term ‘globalisation’ is largely inconsistent and inconclusive—but its imprecision is matched only by its popularity. This article suggests that globalisation should be understood as a reconstruction process of the market as well as the polity. It is essentially a form of global market integration which can be observed from different vantage points, including governance. The premise of the article is that global market integration is surprisingly fragile and requires an adequate institutional foundation in order to move forward. Globalisation and governance are mutually constitutive phenomena. The polity governing the global market integration process cannot be separated in any meaningful sense from the changes in the market itself. This article concerns the institutional requirements of globalisation. While globalisation has produced institutional changes, it has not necessarily produced the most effective or legitimate ones. Exactly what polity construction should underpin globalisation? Should globalisation be left ungoverned? Should existing institutions be improved? Does it require the establishment of supranational sites and the re‐construction of hierarchical legal order at global level? 相似文献
15.
Civil society participation in international and European governance is often promoted as a remedy to its much-lamented democratic deficit. We argue in this paper that this claim needs refinement because civil society participation may serve two quite different purposes: it may either enhance the democratic accountability of intergovernmental organisations and regimes, or the epistemic quality of rules and decisions made within them. In comparing the European Union and World Trade Organization (WTO) in the field of biotechnology regulation we find that many participatory procedures officially are geared towards the epistemic quality of regulatory decisions. In practice, however, these procedures provide little space for epistemic deliberation. Nevertheless, they often lead to enhanced transparency and hence improve the accountability of governance. We also find evidence confirming findings from the literature that the different roles assigned to civil society organisations as “watchdogs” and “deliberators” are at times difficult to reconcile. Our conclusion is that we need to acknowledge potential trade-offs between the two democratising functions of civil society participation and should be careful not to exaggerate our demands on civil society organisations. 相似文献
16.
Jens Arnholtz 《Regulation & Governance》2023,17(2):372-388
While many coordinated market economies have responded to internationalization by regulation that creates dualization between insiders and outsiders, the Nordic countries have opted for an embedded flexibilization in which strong unions and cooperative employers have combined flexibility and equality. However, in recent years, the Nordic countries have come under pressure from an EU-induced dualization that has institutionalized mobile low-wage workers as an outside group. This article presents case studies of how Denmark and Sweden have responded to these challenges. While political processes have been different in the two countries, pressure from EU regulation and changes in employers' incentive to compromise implies that there is now a specific category of low-wage workers in both countries' otherwise egalitarian labor markets. The article, thus, contributes to the literature on dualization by highlighting the pressure coming from EU regulation rather than national policy. 相似文献
17.
18.
The history of the EU is characterised by rapid and complex institutional development. This leaves European Affairs Committees (EACs) in national parliaments with a moving target problem in their endeavours to control the government's EU policies. This paper investigates how EACs react to this challenge. Building on the rational delegation literature, it is argued that EACs are likely to adapt control instruments in tandem with institutional changes at the supranational level. Using McCubbins and Schwartz (1984, American Journal of Political Science, 28, 165–179), it is further argued that EACs are likely to want to impose both police patrol and fire alarm control on the government. These arguments are investigated in the case of Denmark during the 50-year period since the first Danish application for EU membership in 1961, and considerable support is found for the authors' hypotheses. 相似文献
19.
Jens Ringsmose 《European Security》2013,22(3):287-304
Abstract At the Riga Summit in November 2006, NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organization) declared the NATO Response Force (NRF) a fully operational capability. Yet only 8 months later – and behind closed doors – the Alliance's military authorities rescinded the declaration as it became increasingly clear that member states were unwilling to make the necessary commitments to the force. To this day, the force has been a qualified failure: while many allies have benefited from participating in the NRF, lack of concrete troop commitments and disagreement as to the force's operational role have largely eroded its credibility. This could change with the allies' recent adoption of a revised NRF-construct. However, as NATO is still in a state of strategic confusion, the NRF is likely to continue to be different things to different nations. 相似文献
20.