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ABSTRACTConvergence – as an objective and as a process – designates the coming together of different social actors across strategic, political, ideological, sectoral and geographic divides. In this paper, we analyze the global food sovereignty movement (GFSM) as a convergence space, with a focus on constituencies and quotas as tools to maintain diversity while facilitating convergence. We show how the use of constituencies and quotas has supported two objectives of the GFSM: alliances building and effective direct representation in global policy-making spaces. We conclude by pointing to some convergence challenges the GFSM faces as it expands beyond its agrarian origins. 相似文献
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Jessica L. Hamilton Evan M. Kleiman Liza M. Rubenstein Jonathan P. Stange Megan Flynn Lyn Y. Abramson Lauren B. Alloy 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2016,45(1):183-194
Peer victimization is a significant risk factor for a range of negative outcomes during adolescence, including depression and anxiety. Recent research has evaluated individual characteristics that heighten the risk of experiencing peer victimization. However, the role of emotional clarity, or the ability to understand one’s emotions, in being the target of peer victimization remains unclear. Thus, the present study evaluated whether deficits in emotional clarity increased the risk of experiencing peer victimization, particularly among adolescent girls, which, in turn, contributed to prospective levels of depressive and anxiety symptoms. In the present study, 355 early adolescents (ages 12–13; 53 % female; 51 % African American) who were part of the Adolescent Cognition and Emotion project completed measures of emotional clarity, depressive symptoms, and anxiety symptoms at baseline, and measures of peer victimization, depressive symptoms, and anxiety symptoms at follow-up. Moderation analyses indicated that deficits in emotional clarity predicted greater peer victimization among adolescent girls, but not adolescent boys. Moderated mediation analyses revealed that deficits in emotional clarity contributed to relational peer victimization, which, in turn, predicted prospective levels of depressive and anxiety symptoms among adolescent girls, but not boys. These findings indicate that deficits in emotional clarity represent a significant risk factor for adolescent girls to experience relational peer victimization, which, in turn, contributed to prospective levels of internalizing symptoms. Thus, prevention programs should target deficits in emotional clarity to prevent peer victimization and subsequent internalizing symptoms among adolescent girls. 相似文献
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Citizen participation ought to be important in environmental governance. However, environmental issues are usually defined as science‐related ones, wherein expert knowledge is more important than the opinions, demands or needs of citizens. On the other hand, environmental issues involve spatial dimensions, the geographic characteristics of which require specific techniques to analyse. PPGIS is applied to study An‐Shun, the site of a well‐known pollution case in Taiwan, to reveal, through a participatory process, the perception of space of citizens of a nearby community. The results of this study suggest that the government needs to ensure more citizen participation in its future plans for the decontamination and renovation of the An‐Shun site. Lay knowledge or citizen perceptions of space should not replace scientific knowledge, but can supplement it. They are additional views that ought to be considered by government agencies in dealing with environmental issues. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
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Jessica A. Weise Jillian Ng Robert F. Oldt Joy Viray Kelly L. McCulloh David Glenn Smith Sreetharan Kanthaswamy 《法庭科学研究(英文)》2022,7(4):662
The National Research Council recommends that genetic differentiation among subgroups of ethnic samples be lower than 3% of the total genetic differentiation within the ethnic sample to be used for estimating reliable random match probabilities for forensic use. Native American samples in the United States’ Combined DNA Index System (CODIS) database represent four language families: Algonquian, Na-Dene, Eskimo-Aleut, and Salishan. However, a minimum of 27 Native American language families exists in the US, not including language isolates. Our goal was to ascertain whether genetic differences are correlated with language groupings and, if so, whether additional language families would provide a more accurate representation of current genetic diversity among tribal populations. The 21 short tandem repeat (STR) loci included in the Globalfiler® PCR Amplification Kit were used to characterize six indigenous language families, including three of the four represented in the CODIS database (i.e. Algonquian, Na-Dene, and Eskimo-Aleut), and two language isolates (Miwok and Seri) using major population genetic diversity metrics such as F statistics and Bayesian clustering analysis of genotype frequencies. Most of the genetic variation (97%) was found to be within language families instead of among them (3%). In contrast, when only the three of the four language families represented in both the CODIS database and the present study were considered, 4% of the genetic variation occurred among the language groups. Bayesian clustering resulted in a maximum posterior probability indicating three genetically distinct groups among the eight language families and isolates: (1) Eskimo, (2) Seri, and (3) all other language groups and isolates, thus confirming genetic subdivision among subgroups of the CODIS Native American database. This genetic structure indicates the need for an increased number of Native American populations based on language affiliation in the CODIS database as well as more robust sample sets for those language families.Supplemental data for this article is available online at https://doi.org/10.1080/20961790.2021.1963088 . 相似文献
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Jessica Di Salvatore 《American journal of political science》2019,63(4):840-858
Research shows that peacekeepers reduce conflict intensity; however, effects of deployment on nonpolitical violence are unknown. This article focuses on criminal violence and proposes a twofold mechanism to explain why peacekeeping missions, even when effectively reducing conflict, can inadvertently increase criminal violence. First, less conflict opens up economic opportunities (so‐called peacekeeping economies) and provides operational security for organized crime, thus increasing violent competition among criminal groups. Second, demobilized combatants are vulnerable to turn to crime because of limited legal livelihood opportunities and their training in warfare. While UN troops may exacerbate these dynamics, UN police's peculiar role is likely to successfully contain criminal violence. Cross‐national and subnational empirical analyses show that large UN military deployments result in higher homicide rates, whereas UN police, overall, moderate this collateral effect. 相似文献
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