全文获取类型
收费全文 | 1410篇 |
免费 | 56篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 66篇 |
工人农民 | 61篇 |
世界政治 | 123篇 |
外交国际关系 | 78篇 |
法律 | 700篇 |
中国共产党 | 1篇 |
中国政治 | 46篇 |
政治理论 | 382篇 |
综合类 | 9篇 |
出版年
2021年 | 9篇 |
2020年 | 21篇 |
2019年 | 27篇 |
2018年 | 50篇 |
2017年 | 55篇 |
2016年 | 43篇 |
2015年 | 31篇 |
2014年 | 50篇 |
2013年 | 220篇 |
2012年 | 42篇 |
2011年 | 62篇 |
2010年 | 38篇 |
2009年 | 31篇 |
2008年 | 55篇 |
2007年 | 54篇 |
2006年 | 64篇 |
2005年 | 54篇 |
2004年 | 54篇 |
2003年 | 54篇 |
2002年 | 32篇 |
2001年 | 19篇 |
2000年 | 17篇 |
1999年 | 18篇 |
1998年 | 16篇 |
1997年 | 14篇 |
1996年 | 11篇 |
1995年 | 17篇 |
1994年 | 21篇 |
1993年 | 16篇 |
1992年 | 12篇 |
1991年 | 11篇 |
1990年 | 9篇 |
1989年 | 14篇 |
1988年 | 15篇 |
1987年 | 15篇 |
1986年 | 7篇 |
1985年 | 16篇 |
1984年 | 9篇 |
1983年 | 13篇 |
1982年 | 12篇 |
1981年 | 7篇 |
1979年 | 10篇 |
1978年 | 13篇 |
1977年 | 9篇 |
1976年 | 11篇 |
1975年 | 13篇 |
1974年 | 11篇 |
1973年 | 8篇 |
1972年 | 11篇 |
1967年 | 8篇 |
排序方式: 共有1466条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
841.
How does order emerge from anarchy? While scholars generally agree that international politics is anarchic, there is much dispute about how anarchy orders relationships. This paper challenges prevailing views by attacking the problem of anarchy from behind. We examine how hierarchy creates order and argue that two mechanisms are responsible. The first is the direct actions of a leviathan; the second is an indirect effect, which counterintuitively results from insurmountable handicaps to central authority, that we call the threat of incompetent intervention. We then examine how these two mechanisms affect order as power decentralizes and highlight how bottom–up and top–down processes intersect. Our arguments are tested in difficult cases: highly developed states, where central authority is strongest, and international politics, where central authority is weakest. The arguments have broad implications for all the paradigms, trust in world politics and organizational change. 相似文献
842.
The level of electoral turnout is arguably the most widely monitored form of electoral participation. Consequently, electoral systems have often been cited as having a significant effect on turnout levels even though scholars do not agree on the effects of these complex institutions. Since most previous studies have relied on categorical or dichotomous electoral system indicators, this study utilizes Carey and Shugart’s personal vote index to gain theoretical leverage on other electoral system components. In short, I find that where electoral competition is predicated on party, rather than candidates’, reputations, turnout levels rise. The results of a time-series cross-sectional analysis reveal that the personal vote index significantly influences turnout levels even when controlling for a host of other factors. 相似文献
843.
The Nigeria's economy since its induction into the global capitalist mode of production has been an appendage and a satellite outpost of metropolitan capitalism. Incidentally, unlike their western counterparts, who owned the means of production of the economies of their respective countr/es, the Nigerian national bourgeoisies who took over the control of state productive resources at the country's independence however were weaned unto the national stage from weak material base. They, therefore, depended on the state for their reproduction and also owe their bourgeoisie status simply by seizing the apparatus of the state and appropriating state resources. As a result of their weak material base, they have at every point in time to devise economic frameworks that could always afford them unfettered access to state resources. Each of the economic models devised has always, however been dictated by the metropolitan capitalism and the imperative of shoring up the weak material base; so that while these national bourgeoisies mouth the slogan of indigenous origin, they merely attempt to cover their comprador status. Incidentally, however, these national bourgeoisies have no choice other than to accede to the dictates of foreign capitalism, even as the relationship between the two is mutually beneficial, albeit to the detriment of the majority of the citizens. At first, it was through heavy state presence in the economy and later the free market system. In each case, the Nigerian bourgeoisies however have had to justify their actions as informed by true nationalistic motive, to wit for the overall good and benefit of all. But evidence points to the contrary that whether with state-run economy or free market mechanism, the Nigerian economy remains a victim of primitive accumulation by the country's elites and its so-called national bourgeoisie. 相似文献
844.
Federal law and most states prohibit possession of firearms by individuals with a history of certain psychiatric diagnoses and/or treatment. In California, an involuntary 72-h hold can trigger a 5-year ban on firearm possession. Individuals so prohibited may petition for early termination of the ban. We report on the demographic and psychiatric characteristics of a sample of individuals petitioning for early relief in Los Angeles County, and on the results of their petitions. The majority of petitioners were Caucasian men over age 40. Sixteen percent of petitioners were employed in law enforcement or armed security, and all of their petitions were granted. Individuals for whom there was greater evidence of mental disorder were significantly less likely to petition successfully. The results are discussed in terms of the benefits of involving a forensic expert in the petition process, which is not presently required under California law. 相似文献
845.
Dimasi JA Hansen RW Grabowski HG 《Journal of health politics, policy and law》2008,33(2):319-24; discussion 325-7
The review essay by Donald Light about a Congressional Budget Office report on pharmaceutical research and development (R&D) (Light 2007) contains factual errors, leaves the reader uninformed about rebuttal responses to criticisms made in the review about studies of R&D costs, and draws erroneous conclusions about the nature of industry economics. 相似文献
846.
847.
848.
849.
E. Jason Baron Ezra G. Goldstein Joseph Ryan 《Journal of policy analysis and management》2023,42(2):456-487
We conduct the first quantitative analysis of “blind removals,” an increasingly popular reform that seeks to reduce the over-representation of Black children in foster care by eliminating biases in the removal decisions of investigators. We first show that over-representation in most foster care systems is driven by Black children being substantially more likely than White children to be investigated for maltreatment to begin with. Conditional on initial rates of investigation, investigators remove White and Black children similarly. Second, we find no evidence that blind removals impacted the already small racial disparities in the removal decision, but they substantially increased time to removal. 相似文献
850.
For decades, criminological theories have emphasized the importance of strong parent-child relationships in preventing children’s delinquent behaviors (e.g., Gottfredson & Hirschi, 1990). In particular, Thornberry’s (1996) interactional theory has catalyzed studies of the critical importance of reciprocal relationships between parents and children. However, though previous studies have examined reciprocal relationships, they typically do not assess changes in those relationships over time (Wiloughby & Hamza, 2011). The purpose of this study is to evaluate how reciprocal relationships vary among parenting styles and how this variance accounts for children’s delinquency. In particular, using data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1997 Cohort study, the present study examines how the authoritative parenting style and different parent’s and child’s sexes affect the reciprocal parent-child relationship. It discovers a significant correlation between authoritative parenting styles and a reduction in child delinquency and observes how a parent’s sex influences this dynamic. 相似文献