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201.
202.
Joshua Fowler 《Orbis》2019,63(2):172-186
Sino-East African infrastructure investment and international trade have reached record levels and garnered global interest in recent years. Despite this attention, there is a lack of project-level analysis and documentation relating to China's overarching economic strategies in the East African region. By analyzing the Addis Ababa-Djibouti Railway and the Damerjog Port-Ogaden Basin gas pipeline projects, this article discusses project-level details and their roles in China's overarching economic development strategy. Through analysis on bilateral trade and infrastructure development connectivity, this article determines the derivatives and long-term strategic interests of Sino-African trade and infrastructure investment. 相似文献
203.
Law and Critique - Definitions of death are often referred to as legal fictions since brain death was conceived in the mid-twentieth century. Reference to legal fiction is generally paired with... 相似文献
204.
Youths involved with the juvenile justice and child welfare systems report higher rates of early initiation of sexual intercourse, more sexual partners, and lower rates of condom use compared with the general adolescent population. Such risky behaviors leave system-involved youths with volatile behavioral challenges and negative sexual health outcomes, such as unintended pregnancy. These effects can be attributed to detached support systems and a lack of early interventions, such as group therapy. This dynamic fosters further inquiry into asking, can delinquent teenagers who adopt a values clarification approach and understanding exhibit positive prosocial thoughts and behaviors? The intent of this paper is to discuss an alternative education program for pregnant, delinquent adolescents and young mothers allowed a social worker and his associates to implement a group counseling program. The counseling was intended to emphasize values clarification and values development. The counselors focused on attitudes, social views, and desired behaviors related to values. A unique aspect of the program was the development of a four-phase cognitive process related to values clarification and development. This process includes the discovery and awareness of values, the claiming and reclaiming of values, the acceptance of core values, and the appreciation and advocacy of the values phase. A content analysis methodology was used to analyze a self-report methods so that insights into cultural trends and experiences could be understood. Findings from the adoption of this program suggest a psychoeducation humanistic model can not only buffer teenage pregnancy risk and delinquency but also strengthen values and the moral development of troubled youth. 相似文献
205.
206.
Joshua Eisenman 《当代中国》2012,21(77):793-810
China's trade patterns with African countries have made Beijing the focal point of new anti-Chinese resistance narratives in Africa. Unlike the Maoist era, when China's trade policies served its leaders' political goals, now they aim to access markets as part of China's larger domestic development strategy. China's state-run firms can channel China–Africa trade through extra-market decisions that influence flows, yet, ultimately, Beijing's ability to direct trade with Africa is constrained by market forces. Despite suggestions that shared illiberalism drives China–Africa trade the author concludes that five interrelated causal factors overwhelmingly determine China–Africa trade: China's comparative advantage in labor-intensive and capital-intensive production; Africa's abundant natural resource endowments; China's rapid economic growth; China's emphasis on infrastructure building at home and in Africa; and the emergence of economies of scale in China's shipping and light manufacturing sectors. 相似文献
207.
Joshua Ozymy 《Political Behavior》2012,34(1):103-116
Political scientists maintain that self-interest should motivate political participation; however, empirical verification
of the self-interest motive for participating is rare. Self-interested activism among the less-affluent is shown to be even
more uncommon. Results of the present study suggest that when lower-income college students have resources and increased self-interest
motives to act, not only do they choose to participate, they do so at higher levels than their more affluent peers. Utilizing
policy-motivated activism (defined as voting, contributing, and contacting officials) with respect to student loans, the analysis
suggests that the probability of contacting increases among student borrowers as their income decreases. Results suggest that
lower-income borrowers are more likely to participate out of concern for the program than their higher-income counterparts,
and self-interest explains the behavior. 相似文献
208.
Despite the economic turmoil of the time, a typical study of vote choice in the 2008 US Presidential Election would (falsely) find little evidence that voters’ opinions about the future state of the economy affected their vote choice. We argue that this misleading conclusion results from serious measurement error in the standard prospective economic evaluations survey question. Relying instead on a revised question, included for the first time in the 2008 American National Election Study, we find that most respondents condition their prospective economic evaluations on potential election outcomes, and that these evaluations are an important determinant of vote choice. A replication in a very different political context – the 2008 Ghanaian election – yields similar results. 相似文献
209.
Joshua Glasgow 《Law and Philosophy》2015,34(6):601-631
210.
Campaign Contributions Facilitate Access to Congressional Officials: A Randomized Field Experiment
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Concern that donations to political campaigns secure preferential treatment from policy makers has long occupied judges, scholars, and the public. However, the effects of contributions on policy makers’ behavior are notoriously difficult to assess. We present the first randomized field experiment on the topic. The experiment focuses on whether contributions facilitate access to influential policy makers. In the experiment, a political organization attempted to schedule meetings between 191 congressional offices and the organization's members in their districts who were campaign donors. However, the organization randomly assigned whether it revealed to congressional offices that prospective attendees had contributed to campaigns. When informed prospective attendees were political donors, senior policy makers made themselves available between three and four times more often. These findings underscore concerns about the Supreme Court's recent decisions deregulating campaign finance. 相似文献