How to make an undemocratic constitution: The Nigerian example

Constitution? Wetin be that? Me a never see constitution before o. Na wetin e bi? Na book or na food? Abi na di name of one new govnor? My broda, a beg make you talk the one wey poor man pikin fit sabi. But on a serious note, who are these chaps in the PRC (Provisional Ruling Council)? When did they get the mandate of the Nigerian people to give us a constitution? That will not be said to be the constitution of the Nigerian people … … it is a political mistake to call the document they are handing over a constitution. This is because, it has nothing to do with the will of the people of Nigeria. It was done based on the way the military wants it, it is only a guideline and therefore the civilians should regard it as a guideline.     

Which way to the barricades?

Ann Curthoys, For and Against Feminism. A Personal Journey into Feminist Theory and History (Allen & Unwin) Sydney, 1988; Elizabeth Wilson, Hidden Agendas. Theory, Politics, and Experience in the Women's Movement (Tavistock) London & New York, 1986; Charlotte Bunch, Passionate Politics. Feminist Theory in Action (St. Martin's Press) New York, 1987.     

The role of technology in the non-renewable energy consumption-quality of life nexus: insights from sub-Saharan African countries

Economic Change and Restructuring - This study examines the impacts of non-renewable energy (NRE) on quality of life (QOL) through the conditioning role of technology on a panel of 43 Sub-Saharan...     

Identification of victims of the collapse of a mine tailing dam in Brumadinho

The collapse of the B1 Dam of VALE SA mining company in Brumadinho, Minas Gerais, Brazil was the largest humanitarian disaster and occupational accident in the country’s history, and it posed challenges regarding the management and identification of multiple victims. We evaluated the impact of the iron ore tailings on the victims’ bodies. We examined the scientific identification of the victims and the dynamics of the disaster over the 1st year after it occurred. We also determined the socio-demographic profiles of the victims. In this retrospective, cross-sectional study, we investigated the expert reports of the victims’ biological remains from 25 January 2019 to 25 January 2020. We analysed the socio-demographic data, identification methods, identification status, identification time, and necroscopic information. During the study period, 259 of 270 victims were identified, and 603 biological materials were analysed; among them, 86.2% were body parts and 13.8% were whole bodies. Of the total cases registered that year, 476 (78.9%) were submitted during the first 10 weeks after the disaster. Friction ridge analysis accounted for 67.9% of primary identifications and DNA analysis did so for 91.6% of re-identification cases. Body dismemberment was 3.4 times greater among mine workers than among community victims. Adult males accounted for the greatest number of victims (P < 0.001). Polytraumatic injury was the prevalent single cause of death. Necropsy examination revealed the occurrence of asphyxia in 7% of cases. The higher number of fatalities and greater dismemberment among employees than with community residents underlines the occupational dangers in the mining industry and clarifies the dynamics of the disaster. In the initial weeks after the dam collapsed, friction ridge analysis was the most appropriate method for identification. Subsequently, DNA analysis became the most-used technique for identification and re-identification owing to the great volume of body parts and decomposed biological tissue. Autopsy allowed diagnosis of the causes of death to be clarified according to the Brazilian criminal legal system.     

The state of politics in Africa: The corporatist factor

In the past decade, studies of thestate in Africa have either suggested its pervasiveness in both political and economic life or have concentrated on its nonrepresentative (i.e., undemocratic) nature and its dependence on foreign capital for its survival. This study adopts a different reasoning. It suggests that thestate in African countries should be viewed as grappling with problems of managing society within the context of underdevelopment, a task that is increasingly becoming more difficult given the recurring economic crises on the continent. Politics ofcorporatist organization thus become an attractive option for the state to express its authority and attempt to legitimize its existence.