首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   737篇
  免费   31篇
各国政治   25篇
工人农民   88篇
世界政治   68篇
外交国际关系   33篇
法律   365篇
中国政治   6篇
政治理论   181篇
综合类   2篇
  2024年   1篇
  2023年   2篇
  2022年   3篇
  2021年   2篇
  2020年   9篇
  2019年   18篇
  2018年   23篇
  2017年   26篇
  2016年   25篇
  2015年   30篇
  2014年   23篇
  2013年   120篇
  2012年   26篇
  2011年   21篇
  2010年   17篇
  2009年   17篇
  2008年   39篇
  2007年   36篇
  2006年   31篇
  2005年   31篇
  2004年   34篇
  2003年   28篇
  2002年   27篇
  2001年   14篇
  2000年   8篇
  1999年   10篇
  1998年   6篇
  1997年   11篇
  1996年   12篇
  1995年   11篇
  1994年   11篇
  1993年   9篇
  1992年   8篇
  1991年   2篇
  1990年   9篇
  1989年   8篇
  1988年   7篇
  1987年   4篇
  1986年   4篇
  1985年   6篇
  1984年   7篇
  1983年   2篇
  1982年   6篇
  1981年   4篇
  1980年   6篇
  1978年   3篇
  1977年   3篇
  1976年   5篇
  1975年   2篇
  1974年   1篇
排序方式: 共有768条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
761.
The purpose of this paper is to open up a discussion regarding the potential shift from the presumption of innocence to a presumption of guilt regarding those suspected of or charged with sexual offending. It is acknowledged that further investigation is needed and it is hoped that this discussion is one of many. The crux of this paper therefore is that sex offender suspects and defendants potentially find themselves in a criminal injustice system. Whilst the focus is predominantly on ‘victims’ (usually female) and people suspected or charged with sexual offending (usually male) within the criminal justice system in England and Wales the concerns articulated here are not confined to this context. For example such concerns are echoed in relation to the potential injustices occurring on American campuses. This demonstrates that this is a domestic and international situation and a situation that extends beyond the criminal justice system. We argue that what is occurring at home and abroad has to be contextualised with regard to public, media and official attitudes and approaches to ‘victims’, suspects, defendants, sex, sexual consent, sexual offending and a subsequent shift from the presumption of innocence to a presumption of guilt. It is argued that not only is the presumption of innocence undermined by the presumption of guilt regarding suspects and defendants in cases of sexual offending, it is also undermined in England and Wales by the victim personal statement (VPS). The VPS contains and promotes the idea that there is a ‘victim’ and ‘offender’ before this has been legally established in a court of law. These assumptions embodied within the VPS weaken the principle and practice of the presumption of innocence. The safeguard of the presumption of innocence is potentially under threat and the result is an even greater potential for miscarriages of justice and wrongful convictions.  相似文献   
762.
763.
This article examines R v Jamal Muhammed Raheem Ul Nasir, a Court of Appeal case where leave to appeal against a seven-year custodial sentence for sexual offences against children was refused. The appellant argued that his sentence length was excessive because the judge viewed the female victims’ ethnic and religious origin as an aggravating factor. In light of a number of charities’ condemning the judgment, this article evaluates whether the Court of Appeal made the correct decision, particularly in the wider context of sentencing principles. It also considers whether causing shame to a victim and her family can be regarded as an aggravating factor when sentencing sexual offences, and discusses the circumstances where the victim’s ethnic origin should be taken into account.  相似文献   
764.
765.
766.
Legislatures in nearly a third of the states that conduct presidential preference primaries have given the media a statutory role in deciding who gets on that ballot. In these states, a candidate may qualify for placement on the ballot by being recognized by the media as a serious contender for the office of president. The constitutionality of these statutes has been upheld on the ground that they provide additional access to the ballot. This article argues, however, that the statutes are poor public policy because they contravene democratic principles, they compromise the press in its role as institutional watchdog and they fail to meet the essential goals of the candidate nominating process in a democracy. The article concludes by recommending that these so‐called media recognition statutes be repealed.  相似文献   
767.
768.
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号