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131.
132.
Klaus von Lampe 《Trends in Organized Crime》2006,9(3):77-95
This essay and review systematically charts the various influences from other areas of scientific research, including economy,
psychology, and neurobiology, on the study of organized crime. Drawing on an analysis of American and international literature,
metaphorical, and substantive references to other disciplines are highlighted on five levels of observation: the individual
“organized criminal,” the activities these individuals are involved in, the associational patterns through which they are
connected, the power structures that subordinate these individuals and collectives to common or particular interests, and
the relations between these individuals, structures and activities on the one hand, and the legal spheres of society on the
other. It is argued that a research program aiming at building up a cumulative body of knowledge is needed to overcome the
shortcomings of the current eclectic use of concepts and theories from other disciplines. 相似文献
133.
Turning points in the INF negotiations 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
134.
Norbert von Hofmann 《Asia Europe Journal》2007,5(2):187-192
Europe is neither in the centre of Southeast Asia’s nor of Northeast Asia’s strategic interest. For both, Asians and Europeans
it has been equally difficult to articulate their visions of each other’s role in security matters. However, Asia recognizes
positively the EU’s civilian dominated approach in peacekeeping missions, e.g. in East Timor or in Aceh. Europe’s contribution
to the Asia Regional Forum has been rather modest. But due to the increasing importance of comprehensive security, Europe’s
experiences as a soft power could well change this position, provided both sides pay more attention to the constraints of
the two regions. China as the major power in the region is somehow caught between the devil and the deep blue sea: on one
side, it neither wants nor expects Europe to play a strategic role in East Asia. On the other, it would like to see Europe
to become a power of its own in a China-US-EU triangle.
This paper is based on a speech given by the author in Paris/France on 8th December 2006 at a conference on ‘French and European
Strategic Interests in East Asia’ organised by the ‘Asia Centre’ with the support of the Secrétariat général de la défense
nationale (SGDN).
Mr. Norbert von Hofmann is an independent consultant on Southeast Asian-European co-operation in Germany. Formerly he was
the Head of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung’s Office for Regional Cooperation in Southeast Asia in Singapore. 相似文献
135.
A recent decision of one of the five Dutch Appeal Courts hasclarified the relationship between trade mark law and advertisinglaw, holding that a trade mark owner cannot successfully accumulatetrade mark and advertising claims: where publicity complieswith the standards of advertising law, such use cannot thusamount to trade mark infringement. 相似文献
136.
Tsachi Ein-Dor Adi Perry-Paldi Tal Daniely Karin Zohar-Cohen Gilad Hirschberger 《心理学、犯罪与法律》2016,22(10):945-956
Are groups superior to individuals in detecting lies, and are there certain personality traits that significantly contribute to a collective lie-detecting capability? In the current research, we compared the ability of small groups to detect deception compared with individuals, and further examined whether small groups comprising more members high in attachment anxiety would show superior performance in detecting deceit. To this end, we asked 233 participants (40 groups and 113 individuals) to watch a series of clips showing a person making either truthful or untruthful statements, and then decide whether the speaker was honest or dishonest. Results confirmed our expectations and showed superior deceit-detection abilities in small groups, and that this ability was proportionate to the number of people high in attachment anxiety in the group. These results are discussed from the perspective of social defense theory, and the utility of diverse social groups in coping with diverse threats. 相似文献
137.
Co‐authorship is an important indicator of scientific collaboration. Co‐authorship networks are composed of sub‐communities, and researchers can gain visibility by connecting these insulated subgroups. This article presents a comprehensive co‐authorship network analysis of Swiss political science. Three levels are addressed: disciplinary cohesion and structure at large, communities, and the integrative capacity of individual researchers. The results suggest that collaboration exists across geographical and language borders even though different regions focus on complementary publication strategies. The subfield of public policy and administration has the highest integrative capacity. Co‐authorship is a function of several factors, most importantly being in the same subfield. At the individual level, the analysis identifies researchers who belong to the “inner circle” of Swiss political science and who link different communities. In contrast to previous research, the analysis is based on the full set of publications of all political researchers employed in Switzerland in 2013, including past publications. 相似文献
138.
Netherlands International Law Review - The 25th anniversary of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child in November 2014 is an appropriate occasion for reviewing its record of achievements and... 相似文献
139.
Ane-Marthe Solheim Skar Stephen von Tetzchner Claudine Clucas Lorraine Sherr 《Journal of Scandinavian Studies in Criminology & Crime Prevention》2014,15(1):35-54
Parenting programmes are rarely part of prisoners' rehabilitation, and evaluations of such programmes are lacking. 相似文献
140.
This research note focuses on Switzerland's relationship with the EU, and the role direct democracy plays in this relationship. Specifically, the research question asked is whether behaviour on the part of the campaigners can be understood through the lens of Riker's so‐called dominance principle: “when one side successfully wins the argument on an issue, the other side ceases to discuss it” (Riker 1993: 81). One corollary of the dominance principle is that there will tend to be a concentration on a smaller and smaller number of arguments over the course of a campaign, because campaigners are induced to focus on a small subset of issues, their “winning issues”. On the basis of a data set consisting of campaign advertisements appearing in Swiss newspapers in the four‐week periods before the EU‐related 1992, 2000 and 2001 votes, the analysis actually shows little evidence of any concentration of arguments. The research note concludes by considering some implication of this for Swiss direct democracy. 相似文献