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171.
National and foreign political identities are discursively constructed, not least through the media. Starting from the contention that Europe serves as the main Other used to define the idea of Russia, this article uses media texts (online and press) to analyse how Russia is constructed as a foreign policy actor in relation to Europe and the ‘West’ more generally. In so doing, the article draws on three discourses around Russia’s foreign policy: ‘Russia as Europe’; ‘Russia as part of Greater Europe’; and ‘Russia as Alternative Europe’. The article suggests that discursive developments in the 2000s have paved the way for a return of Cold War discourses in characterising relations between Russia and the West.  相似文献   
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This essay and review seeks to assess the state of empirical research on transnational organized crime, drawing on a review of the English language academic literature. It identifies major themes and research questions as well as methodological approaches, and summarizes key findings. It also addresses challenges to meaningful research, arguing that internationally coordinated research projects will be necessary in the future to arrive at the insights necessary to inform theory and policy.  相似文献   
175.
Associations between bullying behavior and school-related stress experience, self-efficacy, social support, and decision control were explored in a study of 885 Norwegian adolescents aged 13–15 years. Information was based on self-reports. The psychosocial factors were represented by an average of scores on 3–12 single items, each with 5 possible response categories. Bullying behavior was defined as bullying other pupils sometimes or more often during the term. The prevalence of bullying behavior was 9.2%, but significantly higher among boys than girls. Odds ratios of bullying behavior according to psychosocial factors were calculated in a multiple logistic regression analysis. Increasing school alienation was associated with an increased risk of bullying, whereas increasing support from teachers and peers decreased the risk. Increasing self-efficacy was associated with a significant increase in risk only among 14-year-old pupils, but a similar tendency was seen for 15-year-old pupils. No significant association was seen with decision control.  相似文献   
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Gesellschaftstheoretische Zugänge zur Analyse von Dienstleistungsgesellschaften sind noch vergleichsweise jung. Als Klassiker kann Fourastiés Analyse der Expansion von Dienstleistungen in westlichen Industriegesellschaften einschließlich der These einer ?tertiären Zivilisation“ gelten. Sie markiert einen bis in die aktuelle gesellschaftstheoretische Diskussion anschlussfähigen Interpretationshorizont für den Wandel von Arbeits- und Konsumformen, gerade weil sie ökonomische Engführungen vermeidet. Gleichwohl, so die weitere Argumentation, bedürfen Fourastiés Analyse wie auch deren kritische Weiterführungen, etwa durch Berger/Offe, einer Geschlechtssensibilisierung im Sinn einer stärkeren Berücksichtigung der geschlechterkulturellen Überformung von Dienstleistungsarbeit und privater Sorgearbeit. Hier sind Ansätze der vergleichenden Wohlfahrtsstaatsforschung ertragreich. Angesichts krisenhafter wie zivilisatorischer Potenziale von Dienstleistungsentwicklung bleiben freilich forschungsstrategische und normativ-gesellschaftspolitische Herausforderungen bestehen.  相似文献   
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H. Richard Uviller, Virtual Justice: The Flawed Prosecution of Crime in America, New Haven: Yale University Press, 1996, xvii + 318 pp.  相似文献   
179.
This paper analyses the voting power of individual members of the ECB Governing Council and, in particular, that of the Executive Board in the light of recent information published by the ECB. Using the randomization scheme based on the multilinear extension of games, we modify the standard analysis in three ways. First, we include heterogeneous preferences of the Governing Council members. Second, we address the agenda-setting power of the ECB president. Third, we take into account the dynamic decision setting. We show that the rotation model is able to stabilize the position of the core countries of the euro area.  相似文献   
180.
Some numbers in the political sphere seem to be chosen rather arbitrarily. One example might be the rule set out by the Second Senate of the German Federal Constitutional Court in 1995 that the overall tax load on assets must be limited to 50% of the yield on those assets. This rule was understood by many as a general principle for taxation. The article first sketches the socio-political climate under which the rule originated: a rise of neo-liberal thought met with the inability of the political institutions to reform the German welfare state with its ever-growing expenses. The Constitutional Court’s intervention is interpreted as a reaction to this stagnation in politics. An analysis from the perspective of Constitutional Law, however, reveals that the 50% rule cannot be convincingly based on the German Basic Law, and instead must be seen as a political move of the Court. But this move did not follow an economic rationality, either; for an optimal government’s share can only be determined in relation to the economic performance of a country and not by fixing it generally at a maximum of 50% of GDP. The demise of the 50% rule already began four years later. In 2006, finally, the Senate moved away from the individual rights-based approach of 1995 to a more general assessment, taking also into account an increasingly globalized tax competition. The reason for this clear-cut change in the Court’s jurisprudence can be found in a change of the socio-political and institutional parameters, thus witnessing to the effect of the political climate on court decisions. The analysis also shows that the rule was created and abandoned only on the basis of an “introverted” legal discussion, economic arguments hardly playing any role in the process. The new line of the Senate, however, might guarantee for a better integration of economic science into tax policy by exchanging fixed limits for a “discursive” model, demanding from the tax legislator better reasons for higher taxes.  相似文献   
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