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301.
Hanns von Hofer 《Journal of Scandinavian Studies in Criminology & Crime Prevention》2014,15(2):167-181
This article analyses 34 Swedish birth cohorts with regard to their participation in crime as measured by data from the convictions database maintained by Statistics Sweden. Most existing cohort studies are limited to one or a few cohorts. By contrast, the present study includes 34 cohorts, i.e. all persons born in Sweden between 1958 and 1991. The article discusses methodological problems associated with this type of approach and examines the possibility of making forecasts. The central results are that the number of males with a criminal record has decreased, whereas the number of females has remained fairly stable. Forecasts indicate that the cohorts' participation in crime will continue to decrease. Research and policy implications of the findings are outlined. It is proposed to introduce cohort statistics as a standard branch within regular criminal justice statistics. 相似文献
302.
Andrew von Hirsch 《Criminal justice ethics》2013,32(2):88-94
A. W. Brian Simpson, Cannibalism and the Common Law Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1984 相似文献
303.
Adelheid von Saldern 《The History of the Family》2013,18(1):73-97
Because the idea of economic rationalization found its strongest promoters in the US and Germany during the 1920s, it makes sense to compare the two countries and to ask how the idea of economic rationalization was transferred into other areas of society, such as the private sphere of families and their homes. The article draws comparisons in a number of different areas, such as housing policy, the education of taste, domestic cleanliness, and the structure of reformers' ideas. In both countries special associations and journals were founded to instruct housewives, and reformers idealized a “classic” family pattern that centered on individual households with gender division of labor but fewer children. The social rationalization of people's daily lives in both countries was not an easily accomplished process, nor was it carried out sucessfully in all the areas targeted by reformers. 相似文献
304.
305.
Klaus von Lampe 《Trends in Organized Crime》2012,15(4):348-350
306.
Since 2005, the Christian Democrats (CDU) modernised family and labour market policy by supporting gender equality. Recent explanations trace this back to their competition with the Social Democrats (SPD) for female voters. What is missing from these accounts is a discussion of coalition dynamics. We argue that the drive for modernisation faltered under Angela Merkel's second term for three reasons: (1) coalitional dynamics in the new Conservative–Liberal coalition; (2) the traditionalist CSU wanted to distinguish itself from the moderate impulses of the CDU; and (3) the CDU reacted by moving away from its former ‘social democratisation’. As a result, gender equality policies in the family and labour market slowed and developed increasing inconsistency by indicating not only openness for modern but also emphasising conservative ideas. Despite the inherent contradictions this appealed to many different voters and contributed to a substantial victory for the CDU in the federal election of 2013. 相似文献
307.
Most research on trends in physical aggression has shown declining levels among adolescents during the past two decades. However, few studies have attempted to explain such time trends. Based on two representative cross-sectional surveys of students in the final year of high school in 2007 (N?=?6631; 58.8% girls) and 2015 (N?=?4145; 60.3% girls), this study reports a substantial decline in physical aggression among Norwegian adolescents. Moreover, mediation analyses show that declining levels in problematic alcohol use and family violence during the same period are plausible explanations for some of this reduction. The results are discussed in light of contemporary changes in socialization of adolescents, and implications for violence prevention are presented. 相似文献
308.
Karin Ingold 《Swiss Political Science Review》2010,16(1):43-76
Cet article constitue une contribution à l'analyse des politiques publiques en Suisse. Concrètement et en appliquant une approche bi‐dimensionnelle, il explique l'output actuel de la politique climatique suisse en tenant compte des structures et préférences au sein de l'élite politique. Sur la base de l'Advocacy Coalition Framework, l'article étudie l'existence de coalitions, les rapports de force et les préférences politiques. d'une part, l'analyse de réseau encadre l'étude empirique des structures et relations au sein du réseau d'acteurs du processus de décision autour de la loi sur le CO2. D'autre part, l'analyse multicritère fournit une évaluation des systèmes de croyances de l'élite en se basant sur un algorithme mathématique sophistiqué. Cette combinaison méthodologique constitue la valeur ajoutée de ce travail et permet une conclusion plus complémentaire pour expliquer le choix des instruments climatiques actuels. Le but principal de cette contribution est ensuite de tirer des leçons pertinentes pour la formulation d'une politique climatique future qui suivra après 2010/2012. 相似文献
309.
310.
AbstractThe New Public Governance approach advocates a more flexible and participatory public administration as means to higher efficiency and increased legitimacy. Increasing flexibility and thereby public employees’ discretion, however, may pose a risk to equality and impartiality, core values in democratic and rule-of-law societies. Using a survey among Baltic public employees, this article explores this risk. We ask whether public employees’ preferences for flexible rule application go hand in hand with acceptance of bending the rules, even if it means a breach of impartiality. We find that this is the case. We also find that contrary to what the New Public Governance approach expects, neither citizen participation nor generalized trust works as a control on rule bending. On a positive note, however, we find that control mechanisms associated with Weberian Public Administration lessen acceptance for bending the rules. 相似文献