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171.
Selin Henrik Eckley Noelle 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2003,3(1):17-42
International measures to address environmental problems increasingly rely on scientific information, and a growing number of international agreements require periodic scientific re-assessments. However, the arena of scientific assessment, governed by a combination of scientific criteria and political interests, is not well-understood, and few case studies have mapped the influence of scientific assessment on the birth and development of environmental policy issues. This article examines the role of scientific assessments and the science-politics interplay in international attempts to regulate persistent organic pollutants (POPs), focusing on the processes within the Convention on Long-Range Transboundary Air Pollution (CLRTAP) and the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP). The study shows that scientific and political activities are intrinsically linked in international POPs work. Scientific and political agendas are co-constructed with no clear boundary between the science and politics spheres. Scientific assessments played a prominent role in constructing POPs as an issue of international concern, setting agendas and shaping policies. 相似文献
172.
Karl A. Friedmann 《Canadian public administration. Administration publique du Canada》1976,19(1):51-87
Abstract. The Ombudsman represents a recent and interesting example of the transfer of political institutions across cultural boundaries. The Ombudsman was established in Alberta both as an attempt to assist the consumer of government services in coping with an increasingly complex bureaucracy and as a legislative auxiliary for controlling bureaucracy. The degree to which the Ombudsman is accepted or rejected by the public service is an important variable in measuring the success of the transfer. The usefulness of the Ombudsman as an innovation in the field of citizen-government relations depends to a considerable extent on the impact which the Ombudsman has on the provincial bureaucracy. Other than correcting a relatively small number of cases of maladministration, does the Ombudsman contribute to improving public administration? Are there dysfunctional consequences (e.g. hidden costs) in imposing yet another control agency on bureaucracy? How does the presence of the Ombudsman affect the behaviour of officials? In this article the author analyses part of the data from an extensive survey of a representative sample of the Alberta public service concerning officials' perception of and attitudes towards the Ombudsman. Several diverse attitude measures show that in the aggregate the provincial public service has a remarkably positive attitude towards the Ombudsman. Several variables are considered in search of an explanation for this attitude structure. The findings allow predictions about officials' behaviour in official-client interactions, which are also tested against direct and indirect data on behaviour obtained in the survey. Sommaire. Le Protecteur du citoyen (‘Ombudsman’) constitue un exemple particulièrement intéressant illustrant bien la tendance récente à transposer des institutions politiques au dela des frontières culturelles. Le poste de Protecteur du citoyen a été créé en Alberta dans le but d'assister le consommateur de services des administrations publiques dans ses relations avec une bureaucratie de plus en plus complexe, et d'exercer une fonction d'auxiliaire législatif capable de contrôler cette bureaucratie. Le mesure dans laquelle le Protecteur du citoyen est accepté ou rejeté par la fonction publique constitue une variable importante permettant de mesurer le succès de l'institution. L'utilité du Protecteur du citoyen considéré comme phénomène nouveau apparu dans le contexte des relations entre les citoyens et les pouvoirs publics dépend dans une large mesure de l'influence qu'il exerce sur la bureaucratie provinciale. Abstraction faite des mesures correctives apportées à un nombre relativement réduit d'erreurs et de lacunes administratives, le Protecteur du citoyen contribue-t-il à améliorer la qualité de l'administration publique? Faut-il craindre que l'imposition d'un nouvel organe de contrôle à la bureaucratic n'engendre des consequences liées à des troubles fonctionnels (par exemple des coûts non apparents)? Comment la présence du Protecteur du citoyen affecte-t-elle le comportement des fonctionnaires? Dans cet article, l'auteur analyse une partie des données recueillies dans le cadre d'une analyse détaillée d'un échantillon représentatif de la fonction publique en Alberta effectuée pour déterminer l'idée que les fonctionnaires se font du Protecteur du citoyen, et kurs attitudes à son égard. Diverses evaluations des attitudes indiquent que, dans l'ensemble, la fonction publique provinciale se distingue par une attitude extrêmement positive vis-à-vis du Protecteur du citoyen. L'auteur examine plusieurs variables pour essayer d'expliquer pourquoi cette attitude est structurée de la sorte. Les conclusions permettent de formuler des prévisions au sujet du comportement des fonctionnaires au niveau des contacts fonctionnaire-client, lesquels font également l'objet d'une analyse comparative faisant intervenir des données directes et indirectes sur le comportement obtenues dans le cadre de l'étude. 相似文献
173.
Hanson RK 《Journal of interpersonal violence》2005,20(2):212-217
Violence risk assessment has advanced considerably in the last 20 years. In the 1980s, leading professionals questioned the very possibility of valid violence risk assessments; now, many of the major risk factors have been identified, and professional debate focuses on how best to combine these risk factors into meaningful evaluations. An important contributor to this advance in knowledge has been the rise of meta-analytic reviews. Through quantitative summaries, the cumulative findings of small, potentially insignificant studies have provided important answers to questions concerning the effective assessment and treatment of violent offenders. 相似文献
174.
Axel?MichaelowaEmail author Kristian?Tangen Henrik?Hasselknippe 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2005,5(1):5-24
This article provides a background for the Developing post-2012 scenarios project, an international study which looks at a range of scenarios that countries may wish to consider for a post-2012 framework to tackle climate change. The purpose of the article is threefold. Firstly, it provides a review of the literature for the future climate regime. Secondly, it provides a set of criteria that are used in order to evaluate whether the scenarios provided in the other articles in this Special Edition are likely to be effective. Thirdly, the article spells out some of the more general policy implications rising from these scenarios. 相似文献
175.
Kugelberg FC Alkass K Kingbäck M Carlsson B Druid H 《Forensic science international》2006,161(2-3):163-168
Extended blood loss results in several compensatory physiological mechanisms, including transfer of extravascular fluid into the blood circulation. If drugs are present in the body, this fluid exchange may imply that blood drug concentrations found in a trauma victim may differ from the concentrations present at the time of the trauma. To address this issue, an animal model was used to investigate the influence of blood loss on pre-existing levels of the antidepressant drug citalopram and its demethylated metabolites. Rats were administered citalopram either acutely (40 mg/kg, orally) or chronically (20 mg/kg daily, subcutaneously) for 6 days using osmotic pumps. In the experimental rats, blood loss was accomplished by withdrawing 0.8 mL blood at 10 min intervals during 70 min. In the control rats, blood was withdrawn at 0 and 70 min only. Blood, brain and lung drug concentrations were analyzed with an enantioselective HPLC method. In the chronically treated rats, the ratios between final and initial citalopram concentrations were 1.08 +/- 0.15 and 1.01 +/- 0.09 in the experimental rats and controls, respectively, indicating no major effect of blood loss. In contrast, acute oral administration resulted in increased ratios in the exsanguinated rats as compared to controls (1.84 +/- 0.50 versus 0.73 +/- 0.07; p = 0.0495). In conclusion, the observation of increased blood drug levels in the acute oral rats indicates that absorption of fluid from the gastrointestinal tract may be important in the intravascular refill. Further, in the interpretation of post-mortem blood levels of drugs, these physiological mechanisms should be taken into account. 相似文献
176.
177.
178.
Karl‐Oskar Lindgren Sven Oskarsson Christopher T. Dawes 《American journal of political science》2017,61(1):222-236
Over the years, many suggestions have been made on how to reduce the importance of family background in political recruitment. In this study, we examine the effectiveness of one such proposal: the expansion of mass education. We utilize a difference‐in‐difference strategy to analyze how a large school reform launched in Sweden in the 1950s, which lengthened schooling and postponed tracking, affected the likelihood of individuals with different family backgrounds to run for public office. The data come from public registers and pertain to the entire Swedish population born between 1943 and 1955. The empirical analysis provides strong support for the view that improved educational opportunities for individuals from disadvantaged backgrounds can be an effective means to reduce the social bias of elected assemblies. 相似文献
179.
180.
Henrik Angerbrandt 《Journal of contemporary African studies : JCAS》2011,29(1):15-31
When states in northern Nigeria started processes for implementing Sharia laws in 1999, it triggered sentiments all over the country. In Kaduna State, the proposal led to demonstrations and violent clashes. The article examines the ways in which different scales of politics are mutually constituted in the Sharia case and how the Sharia proposal subsequently resulted in clashes in Kaduna. It is argued that the Sharia initiative, even though it started as a sub-national question, was connected to a national power contestation. However, the federal government remained passive and diverted the issue to local political space. In Kaduna, the issue took dimensions that incurred with apprehensive local political contention that made it escalate into violence and polarising people according to religion. An analysis of the crisis in Kaduna is offered that does not regard the conflict as locally confined, but as inherently related to wider political and historical processes. 相似文献