全文获取类型
收费全文 | 500篇 |
免费 | 21篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 28篇 |
工人农民 | 67篇 |
世界政治 | 48篇 |
外交国际关系 | 25篇 |
法律 | 248篇 |
中国政治 | 5篇 |
政治理论 | 94篇 |
综合类 | 6篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 7篇 |
2022年 | 2篇 |
2021年 | 2篇 |
2020年 | 6篇 |
2019年 | 17篇 |
2018年 | 23篇 |
2017年 | 18篇 |
2016年 | 15篇 |
2015年 | 19篇 |
2014年 | 13篇 |
2013年 | 79篇 |
2012年 | 20篇 |
2011年 | 11篇 |
2010年 | 12篇 |
2009年 | 14篇 |
2008年 | 22篇 |
2007年 | 24篇 |
2006年 | 16篇 |
2005年 | 22篇 |
2004年 | 14篇 |
2003年 | 15篇 |
2002年 | 9篇 |
2001年 | 6篇 |
2000年 | 5篇 |
1999年 | 10篇 |
1998年 | 5篇 |
1997年 | 6篇 |
1996年 | 11篇 |
1995年 | 9篇 |
1994年 | 3篇 |
1993年 | 6篇 |
1992年 | 8篇 |
1991年 | 8篇 |
1990年 | 8篇 |
1989年 | 7篇 |
1988年 | 15篇 |
1987年 | 5篇 |
1985年 | 2篇 |
1984年 | 4篇 |
1981年 | 3篇 |
1980年 | 4篇 |
1979年 | 1篇 |
1978年 | 4篇 |
1977年 | 1篇 |
1976年 | 3篇 |
1975年 | 1篇 |
1973年 | 1篇 |
1972年 | 1篇 |
1968年 | 1篇 |
1966年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有521条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
411.
412.
AbstractMany studies have argued that corruption undermines perceived democratic legitimacy, trust in state institutions, and government support. However, few prior studies have included transitional or hybrid regimes in their analyses, or simultaneously examined multiple aspects of this relationship. Using focus groups and a nationally representative survey conducted throughout a tumultuous transitional period in Kyrgyzstan, we find evidence for our hypotheses that citizens with greater corruption concerns will be more pro-democratic when evaluating democracy or its institutional components in the abstract; yet, they distrust existing government institutions. Even in a hybrid regime lacking democratic experience, citizens exhibit attributes of distrusting democrats. 相似文献
413.
Rebecca M. B. White Katharine H. Zeiders George P. Knight Mark W. Roosa Jenn-Yun Tein 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2014,43(10):1700-1714
Developmentally salient research on perceived peer discrimination among minority youths is limited. Little is known about trajectories of perceived peer discrimination across the developmental period ranging from middle childhood to adolescence. Ethically concentrated neighborhoods are hypothesized to protect minority youths from discrimination, but strong empirical tests are lacking. The first aim of the current study was to estimate trajectories of perceived peer discrimination from middle childhood to adolescence, as youths transitioned from elementary to middle and to high school. The second aim was to examine the relationship between neighborhood ethnic concentration and perceived peer discrimination over time. Using a diverse sample of 749 Mexican origin youths (48.9 % female), a series of growth models revealed that youths born in Mexico, relative to those born in the U.S., perceived higher discrimination in the 5th grade and decreases across time. Youths who had higher averages on neighborhood ethnic concentration (across the developmental period) experienced decreases in perceived peer discrimination over time; those that had lower average neighborhood ethnic concentration levels showed evidence of increasing trajectories. Further, when individuals experienced increases in their own neighborhood ethnic concentration levels (relative to their own cross-time averages), they reported lower levels of perceived peer discrimination. Neighborhood ethnic concentration findings were not explained by the concurrent changes youths were experiencing in school ethnic concentrations. The results support a culturally-informed developmental view of perceived peer discrimination that recognizes variability in co-ethnic neighborhood contexts. The results advance a view of ethnic enclaves as protective from mainstream threats. 相似文献
414.
Kantahyanee W. Murray Kathleen M. Dwyer Kenneth H. Rubin Sarah Knighton-Wisor Cathryn Booth-LaForce 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2014,43(8):1361-1373
Few studies have examined both maternal and paternal parenting practices in the prediction of child outcomes despite evidence that underscores the salience of fathers throughout their children’s development. This study examined the role of the quality of mother–child and father–child relationships in buffering the influence of ineffective parenting practices on subsequent adolescent aggression. Measures of parental psychological control, the quality of the parent–child relationship, and youth aggressive behavior were completed by 163 (49 % female) mostly White and Asian adolescents and their parents during the eighth and ninth grades. Paternal psychological control predicted aggression when adolescents perceived low-quality relationships with their mothers. Similarly, maternal psychological control predicted aggression when adolescents perceived low-quality relationships with their fathers. Maternal psychological control was also associated with lower levels of aggression among adolescent males who reported a high-quality relationship with their father. These findings indicate that, when one parent exerts psychological control, the low-quality relationship the adolescent shares with the opposite gender parent increases risk for adolescent aggression. The findings also suggest that, as mothers exert psychological control, the high-quality parent–child relationship a son shares with his father decreases risk for adolescent aggression. 相似文献
415.
Darlene Xiomara Rodriguez Hans Skott-Myhre Kathleen Skott-Myhre 《Child & Youth Services》2018,39(2-3):101-116
The question of care and what it means both conceptually and practically in the designated arena of child and youth care is a vexing one in the 21st century. Without a doubt, there are increasing numbers of young people who are either demonstrably in need of care or perceive themselves to be either lacking adequate care or simply existing outside those social spaces where care is available. Perhapsthere is no better exemplar of the contested set of relations that is contemporary childhood than those young people traversing national borders. Some of these young people travel with family members, but an ever-increasing number travel unaccompanied by parents or any other form of adult relation. Of these, a group particularly at risk are those without legal documentation. We would argue that this group of young people is urgently in need of our attention as child and youth care workers and scholars. 相似文献
416.
Over the past 5 years, a great deal of attention has been paid to the development of early warning systems for dropout prevention.
These warning systems use a set of indicators based on official school records to identify youth at risk for dropout and then
appropriately target intervention. The current study builds on this work by assessing the extent to which a school disengagement
warning index predicts not only dropout but also other problem behaviors during middle adolescence, late adolescence, and
early adulthood. Data from the Rochester Youth Development Study (N = 911, 73% male, 68% African American, and 17% Latino)
were used to examine the effects of a school disengagement warning index based on official 8th and 9th grade school records
on subsequent dropout, as well as serious delinquency, official offending, and problem substance use during middle adolescence,
late adolescence, and early adulthood. Results indicate that the school disengagement warning index is robustly related to
dropout as well as serious problem behaviors across the three developmental stages, even after controlling for important potential
confounders. High school dropout mediates the effect of the warning index on serious problem behaviors in early adulthood. 相似文献
417.
Policy conflicts are ubiquitous in many countries. Yet research on policy conflict is typically based on cases in western, democratic countries. As a result, little is known about the characteristics of policy conflicts in non-western countries, such as China, or how these characteristics compare to western contexts. The Policy Conflict Framework (PCF) was recently developed to help scholars identify, diagnose, and compare policy conflict characteristics. This research uses the PCF to guide a comparative analysis of the nature of policy conflicts in China and the United States. With interview data on policy actors from Chongqing, China and Colorado, USA, we present the findings by comparing the differences and similarities of policy conflicts in the two countries around shale oil and gas development. We conclude with the strengths and limitations of this comparative study of policy conflicts in China and other national contexts, along with recommendations for conducting PCF research in China. 相似文献
418.
Kathleen Bouzis 《冲突和恐怖主义研究》2015,38(10):885-897
This research note discusses the tactics and strategies of the United States to counter the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) from the onset of Operation Inherent Resolve beginning on 8 August 2014 and continuing into early 2015. Through both kinetic and non-kinetic actions, the United States and its coalition has sought to degrade and defeat ISIL. But how effective have these measures been with regard to the group's ability to maintain control over parts of the Iraqi population and territory? ISIL's fast growing affiliate network poses a unique challenge and this study suggests that the kinetic measures of Operation Inherent Resolve have weakened ISIL's tactical capabilities but U.S. efforts to stem the group's recruitment have not been as successful. 相似文献
419.
Kathleen O’Reilly 《Third world quarterly》2013,34(3):510-512
420.
Kathleen A. Cavanaugh 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2013,25(3):33-54
This article challenges traditional interpretations of political violence in Northern Ireland. Based on a series of ethnographic studies undertaken in republican and loyalist communities in Belfast, Northern Ireland, I argue that it is the question of state legitimacy, not materialism, culture or religion, that is core to understanding the underpinnings and history of political violence in Northern Ireland. Research findings suggest that communal support for and tolerance of paramilitary groups and their tactics are underpinned by security‐related concerns and a crisis of legitimacy which renders the state unable to claim a monopoly on the use of force. In contradistinction to counter‐insurgency theorists, I argue that the basis for paramilitarism is not created by fear of reprisal or intimidation. Rather, intra‐communal fears of identity loss and threats (both perceived and real) from the outgroup have created a space for republicanism and loyalism in both its political and paramilitary forms. 相似文献