A comparison of DNA collection and retrieval from two swab types (cotton and nylon flocked swab) when processed using three QIAGEN extraction methods

The Metropolitan Police Service currently uses cotton swabs to retrieve DNA for forensic profiling. Recently, a new nylon flocked swab type has become available from Copan (MicroRheologics, Brescia, Italy) that it is claimed, offers increased sample recovery and release yields. If true, the flocked swab may have important applications in DNA evidence retrieval. This study examines the DNA retrieval capability of cotton and nylon flocked swabs when extracted using three common extraction platforms (QIAcube, BioRobot EZ1 and manually processed QIAamp DNA investigator kit). Results indicate that both swab types are capable of recovering high percentages of DNA (>50%); however, the extraction platform selected was shown to have a significant effect upon DNA retrieval. Across all experiments, the cotton swab combined with the spin-column extractions was shown to be most effective, with the nylon swab and BioRobot EZ1 combination being the least effective. These findings illustrate the importance of extraction method selection.     

Assessing the Psychological Well-being and Coping Mechanisms of Law Enforcement Investigators vs. Digital Forensic Examiners of Child Pornography Investigations

Previous research indicates law enforcement investigators and digital forensic examiners working child exploitation cases are at an increased risk for experiencing psychological distress; however, the roles of digital forensic examiners and investigators often overlap substantially when working child pornography cases. Thus, the current study was the first to compare the psychological well-being, job satisfaction, coping mechanisms, and attitudes toward mental health services for individuals working as either digital forensic examiners and/or investigators of child pornography cases. Law enforcement officers were solicited from the Internet Crimes Against Children task force listserv, and based on their current self-reported duties, 20 were classified as digital forensic examiners-only, 71 as investigators-only, and 38 as both digital forensic examiners and investigators of cases involving Internet child pornography. Results showed significant differences between groups; individuals performing both duties scored significantly higher on secondary traumatic stress, higher on feelings of worthlessness, and lower on concentration compared to digital forensic examiners-only. Individuals performing both duties also reported significantly lower scores on job satisfaction compared to investigators-only. Finally, individuals working both duties were significantly more likely to know someone who sought counseling as a result of work-related stress. The study’s mental health implications and future research suggestions are discussed.     

From Pariah State to Global Protagonist: Argentina and the Struggle for International Human Rights

Democratizing states began in the 1980s to hold individuals, including past heads of state, accountable for human rights violations. The 1984 Argentine truth commission report (Nunca Más) and the 1985 trials of the juntas helped to initiate this trend. Argentina also developed other justice‐seeking mechanisms, including the first groups of mothers and grandmothers of the disappeared, the first human rights forensic anthropology team, and the first truth trials. Argentines helped to define the very term forced disappearance and to develop regional and international instruments to end the practice. Argentina thus illustrates the potential for global human rights protagonism and diffusion of ideas from a country outside the wealthy North. This article surveys Argentina's innovations and proposes possible explanations, drawing on theoretical studies from transitional justice, social movements, and norms cascades in international relations.     

Can Civil Society Organizations Solve the Crisis of Partisan Representation in Latin America?

This article takes up the question of whether civil society organizations (CSOs) can and do act as mechanisms of representation in times of party crisis. It looks at recent representation practices in Argentina, Bolivia, and Brazil, three countries where political parties have experienced sharp crises after several decades of mixed reviews for their party systems. At such moments, any replacement of parties by CSOs should be especially apparent. This study concludes that the degree of crisis determines the extent that CSOs' representative functions replace partisan representation, at least in the short term. Where systems show signs of re‐equilibration, CSOs offer alternative mechanisms through which citizens can influence political outcomes without seeking to replace parties. Where crisis is profound, CSOs claim some of the basic party functions but do not necessarily solve the problems of partisan representation.     

Violence and legalized brothel prostitution in Nevada: examining safety, risk, and prostitution policy

This article examines violence in legalized brothels in Nevada. Debates over prostitution policies in the United States have long focused on questions of safety and risk. These discourses inevitably invoke the coupling of violence and prostitution, though systematic examinations of the relationship between the two are sparse. This article explores the issue of violence in the Nevada brothel industry. By drawing on interviews with prostitutes, managers, and policy makers, this article examines both prostitutes' perceptions of safety and risk and brothel managers' practices designed to mitigate violence. Discourses relate to three types of violence: interpersonal violence against prostitutes, violence against community order, and sexually transmitted diseases as violence. The authors conclude by arguing that the legalization of prostitution brings a level of public scrutiny, official regulation, and bureaucratization to brothels that decreases the risk of these 3 types of systematic violence.     

Changes in Intimate Partner Violence During Pregnancy

Women's experiences of partner violence, both before and during pregnancy, are described using a convenience sample of women recruited from prenatal clinics. Included were an index group of women who told their clinicians that they had been physically abused during pregnancy, and a comparison group of women who told their clinicians that they had not been physically abused during pregnancy (even though later more detailed assessment found that some of these comparison women had experienced such violence). The women averaged 27 years of age, with 83% being high school graduates, 26% being married, and 66% having had previous children. The Conflict Tactics Scales 2 assessed rates of partner violence victimization of the women and their male partners, including psychological aggression, physical assault, and sexual coercion. Injuries also were assessed. Results showed that comparison men were physically assaulted at significantly higher rates than were their female partners, both before and during pregnancy (even though these victimization rates were much lower than those seen among the index couples). Index women experienced higher rates of psychological aggression, physical assault, and sexual coercion than did their male partners, and these women were significantly more likely than their male partners to be injured. Pregnancy onset was associated with significant increases in the rates of psychological aggression among both the index and comparison couples. In addition, the index women experienced a significantly increased rate of sexual violence victimization during pregnancy. However, pregnancy was not associated with significant increases in the rates of physical assault or violence-related injuries among the index or comparison couples.     

Public And State Responses To High-Level Nuclear Waste Disposal: Learning From Policy Failure

Nuclear waste policy in the United States has jailed in large part because of public and state opposition to repository siting. However, that outcome was not inevitable. This paver argues that better policy design and greater attention to the crucial tasks of policy legitimation both by the U.S. Congress and by the Department of Energy might have significantly increased the chances for successful implementation. Even though the program now has a highly uncertain future, suggestions are offered for policy learning and change that may increase the probability of success.     

Privatization in British Columbia: lessons from the sale of government laboratories

Abstract: Among the more controversial privatizations that the Province of British Columbia announced in March 1987 were the sale of the soil, dairy and environmental laboratories. The last two performed testing to monitor private firms' compliance with provincial health and environmental regulations. A review of the three transactions offers lessons concerning both the process of privatization in British Columbia and the limits to privatization by contracting-out. Privatization of elements of government regulatory functions presents three problems: first, private sector contractors may be subject to conflict of interest; secondly, complex and costly contract-monitoring arrangements may be required to ensure the quality of work performed by contractors; and finally, failure of the contractual arrangements will have implications beyond the contract itself, ultimately affecting the government's ability to achieve its regulatory objectives. A striking feature of the privatization process was the inducements offered to government employees to get them to become private-sector contractors. The province even accepted uncompetitive bids from employee groups, contradicting its own primary objective of privatization, to increase efficiency based on competition. The case studies also demonstrate that transaction and transition costs of privatization may be substantial, particularly for small operations. Sommaire: L'une des privatisations les plus controversées annoncées par la Colombie-Britannique en mars 1987 fut la vente des laboratoires d'analyse des sols, des produits laitiers et de I'environnement. Il incombait aux deux derniers de ces établissements de procéder à des tests dans les entreprises privées pour s'assurer que les réglenients provinciaux sur la santé et l'environnement y étaient respectés. L'étude de ces trois transactions est révélatrice du processus de privatisation en Colombie-Britannique et des contraintes pouvant résulter de la sous-traitance. La privatisation de certains éléments de la fonction gouvernementale de réglementation présente trois probèmes: premièrement, les entrepreneurs du secteur privé peuvent se trouver en situation de conflit d'intérêt; deuxièmement, des dispositions complexes et coûteuses de surveillance des contrats peuvent s'avtrer nécessaires pour vérifier la qualité des travaux effectués par les entrepreneurs; et finalement, le manquement aux dispositions du contrat a des répercussions qui touchent non seulement celui-ci, mais nuit également à la capacité du gouvernement d'atteindre ses objectifs de réglementation. Un fait étonnant a accompagné le processus de privatisation: les employés du gouvernement ont t été invités à devenir des entrepreneurs privés. La province a même accepté des offres non concurrentielles de groupes d'employés, contredisant ainsi l'objectif premier de la privatisation, soit accroitre l'efficacité par la concurrence. En outre, les études de cas montrent que les coûts de transaction et de transition de la privatisation peuvent être considérables, surtout pour des opérations de petite emergure.     

Justice in Moscow?

The article explores Russians’ satisfaction with their experiences in court and with the legal system more generally. The analysis draws on a nationally representative survey of Russians, fielded by the Levada Center in 2010. The results show that most court veterans believe that the decision in their case was just, and that the judge treated them well. But these positive feelings do not extend beyond their case. Russians who have no court experience tend to have more favorable views about the legal system than do court veterans. These findings serve to remind us of the difficulty of building confidence in the legal system in post-Soviet Russia.