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111.
Ephraim Maisel, The Foreign Office and Foreign Policy 1991-1926 (Brighton: Sussex Academic Press 1994), £35. ISBN 1-898723-04-4.
Timothy P. Maga, The World of Jimmy Carter: U.S. Foreign Policy 1977-1981 (West Haven, CT: University of New Haven Press, 1994). 189 pp. ISBN 0-936385-23-0.
Michael Leifer, Dictionary of the Modern Politics of South-East Asia (London and New York: Routledge, 1995), xii + 271pp. £45. ISBN 0-415-04219-4.
Christopher C. Harmon and David Tucker (eds.), Statecraft and Power: Essays in Honor of Harold W. Rood (Lanham and London: University Press of America with the National Institute for Public Policy, 1994), 284pp ISBN 0-8191-8718-6. 相似文献
Timothy P. Maga, The World of Jimmy Carter: U.S. Foreign Policy 1977-1981 (West Haven, CT: University of New Haven Press, 1994). 189 pp. ISBN 0-936385-23-0.
Michael Leifer, Dictionary of the Modern Politics of South-East Asia (London and New York: Routledge, 1995), xii + 271pp. £45. ISBN 0-415-04219-4.
Christopher C. Harmon and David Tucker (eds.), Statecraft and Power: Essays in Honor of Harold W. Rood (Lanham and London: University Press of America with the National Institute for Public Policy, 1994), 284pp ISBN 0-8191-8718-6. 相似文献
112.
This article focuses upon one particular aspect of new institutionalist thinking – that which analyses the scope for, and constraints upon, deliberate interventions in institutional change. New institutionalist insights are used to illuminate the challenges faced by the British Labour government in its programme for modernizing local government. The focus is upon two core concepts: robustness and revisability – a pairing which highlights the potential contradictions that exist within the new institutionalist approach to design. It is argued that New Labour struggled to achieve a balance between these key design criteria during its first term, with revisability increasingly sacrificed in favour of robustness. In its second term in office (since June 2001), Labour has sought to rebalance robustness and revisability, largely through the principle of 'earned autonomy'. In this context the values informing the institutional redesign of local government have become less clear and more contested, and there has been a progressive shift from commitment-based to control-based strategies for change. 相似文献
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Peter Wilson 《The Political quarterly》2015,86(4):532-539
Co‐founding The Political Quarterly was one among many of Leonard Woolf's achievements during a long career as a progressive political thinker and publicist, particularly in the field of international affairs. To mark the centenary of the publication of International Government, his most innovative and influential work on the subject, this article seeks to assess Woolf's contribution. It examines the Fabian background to Woolf's work, his support for and approach to the League of Nations and his commitment to collective security as an approach to peace. Through a broader understanding of the League it argues that certain failings in the area of collective security, however profound, should not be permitted to blight an otherwise impressive intellectual legacy. 相似文献
115.
Using Bayesian Aldrich‐McKelvey Scaling to Study Citizens' Ideological Preferences and Perceptions
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Christopher Hare David A. Armstrong II Ryan Bakker Royce Carroll Keith T. Poole 《American journal of political science》2015,59(3):759-774
Aldrich‐McKelvey scaling is a powerful method that corrects for differential‐item functioning (DIF) in estimating the positions of political stimuli (e.g., parties and candidates) and survey respondents along a latent policy dimension from issue scale data. DIF arises when respondents interpret issue scales (e.g., the standard liberal‐conservative scale) differently and distort their placements of the stimuli and themselves. We develop a Bayesian implementation of the classical maximum likelihood Aldrich‐McKelvey scaling method that overcomes some important shortcomings in the classical procedure. We then apply this method to study citizens' ideological preferences and perceptions using data from the 2004–2012 American National Election Studies and the 2010 Cooperative Congressional Election Study. Our findings indicate that DIF biases self‐placements on the liberal‐conservative scale in a way that understates the extent of polarization in the contemporary American electorate and that citizens have remarkably accurate perceptions of the ideological positions of senators and Senate candidates. 相似文献
116.
AbstractDeinstitutionalisation movements of the mid-1900s led to changes in policy and practice in the management of people with special needs (defined for this article as people with severe and persistent mental illness, intellectual disabilities and high levels of personality factors that interfere with treatment participation). Although the majority of clients with special needs receive care in community settings and interact more with family, friends and others in the community, some such clients require more rigorous case management. For clients who have offended, especially sexually, community-based services are scarce, and concerns regarding reoffence potential often supersede traditional understandings of diminished capacity. Recent reports suggest that jails and prisons have replaced hospitals as the institutions-of-choice for clients with special needs who engage in inappropriate conduct. This paper examines policies and practices regarding community risk management of people with special needs who have sexually offended. Vignettes are provided to illustrate how some clients and agencies have been affected, and suggestions are made to ensure best practices in risk management and public safety. 相似文献
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118.
The emerging global economy has altered makeup of federal systemsand set the stage for new international institutions. This articleidentifies key research issues that bear upon the connectionbetween federalism and globalism. Five specific research questions are considered. The first concernsthe impact of global economic change on the sovereignty of nationaland subnalional governments. Second, the effect of the globaleconomy on intergovernmental relations is considered. Next,the question of placement of economic policy responsibilitiesin a federal system is posed. Finally, the article asks whetherfederalism eases adaptation to the global economy and protectsdemocratic values. 相似文献
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Keith Bryett 《Critical Criminology》1997,8(1):49-61
Violence, disorder, and social schism are well-known features of contemporary Northern Ireland resulting in the high profile
of the province’s police, the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC). Since 1968, in particular, the policing of some major events
has resulted in the RUC being viewed variously as saint and sinner by different sections of society. The most recent cause
for acceptance, or condemnation, of police performance was the 1996 ‘marching season’. In particular, withdrawal of the police
from the scene of the Drumcree stand-off, once it became evident that the many members of the Orange Order gathered there
intended to march down the predominantly Garvaghy Road with or without the approval of the Chief Constable, and the province-wide
acts of solidarity related to that event, by other members of the order, led to much controversy. First, this essay identifies
some of the potential consequences of policing Drumcree for the RUC public image. Second, it compares these potential perceptions
of police performance with some published views of their response to the Ulster Workers’ Council strike in 1974 and during
the negotiations leading up to, and in the aftermath of, the Anglo-Irish Agreement of 1985. Finally, it considers if there
is anything new that can be learned about the RUC from its handling of the Drumcree crisis. 相似文献