International Opinion and World Politics: the Case of the INF Treaty

The INF Treaty, a turning-point in the nuclear arms race, was preceded by massive protests against nuclear armaments around the world, thus providing a test of the old belief that world opinion is crucial for peace and security. At issue is whether the treaty came about because of, regardless of or in spite of this international opinion. Three propositions about the relationship between international opinion-formation and foreign policymaking are thus outlined in the paper and are then applied to the INF case. It appears that anti-nuclear opinion was effective in part and counter-productive in part. A salient feature of the INF process was its unpredictability, which suggests several reasons why international opinion-formation is apt to lead to unexpected results.     

Research capacity building through twinning: experiences from a Danish–Malaysian twinning project

Twinning and its contribution to institutional capacity building in developing countries is the theme of an ongoing debate in Public Administration and Development. Unlike earlier contributions this article focuses on twinning in the context of research capacity enhancement. Using a 3 year Danish–Malaysian twinning research project as case our objective is to evaluate whether the general premises regarding a twinning project, as formulated by the Danish Development Cooperation Agency (Danida), appropriately support the twinning ambitions when the capacities in focus concern research. Besides institutional capacity building, twinning is expected to favour local ownership, involvement of the Danish resource base and continuing of cooperation after termination of funding. From 21 semi‐structured interviews with project participants it was found that although new research capacities had been gained, the prospects on continued cooperation are rather discouraging, both sides pointing to the lack of truly joint research experiences as the main reason. To care for this important incentive, the twinning premises are recommended to be modified to allow for the Northern resource base to advance its own research, and for Southern partner to demonstrate in‐house research capacities. Further, the North–South balance in project management needs to be more equal. This apart, the twinning premises appear sound. Copyright © 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Adult Education Policy in Sweden, 1967–1991

To choose 1967 as the point of departure may seem strange, as Sweden has had a long and important tradition of adult education dating back to the breakthrough of the popular movements at the end of the 19th century. However, it was not until the 1960s that adult education became central to Swedish educational and labor market policies. This article analyzes the directions government policy took on adult education during these five periods with regard to context, reform ideology and strategies, and, where possible, outcomes. However, to provide a comprehensive account of Swedish adult education strategy, one has to include labor market training policy, which affects an important part of the adult education populace, although the former under the jurisdiction of the ministry of labor, not the ministry of education. The analyses starts with a general overview of labor market training that, in contrast to adult education, has remained rather unchanged during the period between 1967 and 1991.     

Reduction of Party Conflict through Corporate Participation in Danish Law-Making*

The paper focuses on the link between the two 'channels of political influence that exist in most liberal democracies: the electoral-parliamentary channel with political parties as the crucial structures intermediating between citizens and decision-makers, and the organizational-corporate channel with interest groups as intermediating structures. Although the two avenues open to citizens' demands may often function as alternatives, they are not independent of each other. Thus, the involvement of organizational and institutional interests affects the level of partisan conflict in the law-making process. The main assumption is that if bills are drafted by the active participation of external actors, they are likely to be passed at a relatively low level of conflict in parliament. A number of specific hypotheses based on this assumption are tested on data pertaining to Government bills passed by the Danish parliament 1972–74. The hypotheses relate to different types of bill preparation, subsequent outside contacts to parliamentary committees indicating societal disagreement on bills, and different areas of public policy. While the evidence gives strong support to the hypotheses it also indicates limits to the influence of external actors. This suggests an important difference between the two channels: like the corporate channel the parliamentary channel is one of influence, but unlike the corporate channel, it is also one of national responsibility.     

Notes on contributors

This article looks at co-ordination within humanitarian mine action (hma), and co-ordination between hma and other humanitarian and development initiatives. The discussion focuses specifically on the role of UN-led Mine Action Centres (macs) and the analysis draws on case studies of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Afghanistan. A contention throughout is that macs often employ a rigid approach to co-ordination. This constricts the flexibility of mine action organisations, limits the development of creative initiatives and poses a barrier to co-ordination between hma and other humanitarian initiatives. A second point pursued is that co-ordination arrangements are embedded in a broader institutional context, and this context has in turn the potential to impact on co-ordination. The analysis presented here suggests a number of implications for hma in general, together with a number of policy considerations. The article concludes by offering some thoughts for the future on the importance of effective co-ordination arrangements both within hma as a sector and between hma and other sectors of humanitarian assistance.