全文获取类型
收费全文 | 615篇 |
免费 | 21篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 34篇 |
工人农民 | 24篇 |
世界政治 | 50篇 |
外交国际关系 | 56篇 |
法律 | 279篇 |
中国政治 | 6篇 |
政治理论 | 185篇 |
综合类 | 2篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 4篇 |
2021年 | 4篇 |
2020年 | 14篇 |
2019年 | 8篇 |
2018年 | 17篇 |
2017年 | 16篇 |
2016年 | 19篇 |
2015年 | 11篇 |
2014年 | 14篇 |
2013年 | 76篇 |
2012年 | 16篇 |
2011年 | 16篇 |
2010年 | 21篇 |
2009年 | 14篇 |
2008年 | 22篇 |
2007年 | 22篇 |
2006年 | 18篇 |
2005年 | 19篇 |
2004年 | 24篇 |
2003年 | 23篇 |
2002年 | 18篇 |
2001年 | 14篇 |
2000年 | 15篇 |
1999年 | 12篇 |
1998年 | 9篇 |
1997年 | 8篇 |
1996年 | 12篇 |
1995年 | 12篇 |
1994年 | 10篇 |
1993年 | 10篇 |
1992年 | 13篇 |
1991年 | 9篇 |
1990年 | 9篇 |
1989年 | 9篇 |
1988年 | 8篇 |
1987年 | 8篇 |
1986年 | 7篇 |
1985年 | 13篇 |
1984年 | 8篇 |
1983年 | 5篇 |
1982年 | 4篇 |
1981年 | 8篇 |
1980年 | 7篇 |
1979年 | 5篇 |
1978年 | 4篇 |
1976年 | 2篇 |
1975年 | 4篇 |
1974年 | 4篇 |
1971年 | 2篇 |
1968年 | 2篇 |
排序方式: 共有636条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
121.
122.
123.
This article evaluates the development of militant Islamic threats in Southeast Asia from the early 1990s onwards and its security implications for the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). The analysis contends that the extent of extremist Islamic infiltration of the region was obscured by governmental rhetoric, along with much Western opinion, which argued erroneously that ASEAN was following a unique developmental path based on shared regional values that had resulted in economic growth and political stability. However, by ignoring underlying religiously motivated tensions within and among its membership, and by refusing to countenance mature debate about them within their societies, ASEAN has succeeded only in incubating its potential nemesis. 相似文献
124.
Lawrence L. Whetten 《冲突和恐怖主义研究》2013,36(3-4):377-395
The political assassination of Aldo Moro in May 1978 had a stunning effect on the Italian public similar to that experienced by Americans in the wake of the assassination of President Kennedy. The Moro case underscored the key political dilemmas confronting Italian leaders of all parties. It also led to a temporary breakthrough in the prosecution of political crimes by the arrest of leading suspects and the erosion of the terrorist supporting infrastructure. But without more effective legislation bolstering the discretionary use of force of police agencies, the frequency of terrorist activities has not diminished; the objectives have shifted temporarily from “revolutionary” to anarchial motives—compounding the prospects for prompt societal resolutions at the frustrations of issues. 相似文献
125.
Lawrence Zelic Freedman 《冲突和恐怖主义研究》2013,36(3):389-401
Abstract Attempting to lay bare the psychological roots of terrorism, the author alludes to the views of such rebels against the status quo as Marx, Engels, Bakunin, and Kropotkin and examines in greater detail the myths and beliefs current in ancient times, in the Middle Ages, and even in the modern period that were instrumental in instilling fear and terror into the minds of men. It is held, for instance, that such countercultures and aberrations as the drug culture, the Weathermen, the Manson Family, and the Symbionese Liberation Army seem to be clear manifestations of the excitement and fear that assault individuals in the name of political ideals. The author offers a “model of terroristic resonance,” based on the public perception of a terrorist as being uncaring, vengeance‐oriented, and single‐minded in his aggressivity; also perceived in terrorists is a sense of randomness and unpredictability, infusing in their victims an extreme anxiety and an awesome sense of the uncanny, the effect of which may be likened to an irresistible impulse from the id assaulting the personification of the social representative of the superego. Modern‐day terrorists, it is claimed, carry on an ancient messianic and prophetic tradition of horror that is being visited upon man because of his violation of absolutist values. 相似文献
126.
Eric D. Lawrence 《Legislative Studies Quarterly》2013,38(1):31-58
What was the effect of the publication of the precedents in the House in the late nineteenth century? Empirical analysis demonstrates a significant effect of the publication of the House precedents on the behavior of members' willingness to appeal decisions of the chair. Publication of the precedents reduced the frequency of appeals, a finding consistent with the qualitative arguments of past parliamentarians but never before demonstrated empirically. Further, parallel analysis of the Senate reveals that the publication effect found for the House is not an artifact of some secular trend in legislative behavior, doing so by showing that no similar pattern occurs in the Senate during the same period of time. 相似文献
127.
Annis Lai-Chu Fung Lawrence H. Gerstein Yuichung Chan Erica Hurley 《Journal of family violence》2013,28(5):515-521
This study examined the connection between parental perceptions about their children’s reactive and proactive aggression, parenting styles, parent–child communication, and parental distress. A total of 1,485 Hong Kong parents and guardians with children 8 to 17 years old completed the Reactive and Proactive Aggression Questionnaire, Kessler Psychological Distress Scale, Adjective Checklist, and Parenting Styles and Dimensions Questionnaire. When reactive and proactive aggression responses were used to predict parental distress, a significant regression model was obtained with both predictors making a contribution. A significant model also was discovered when parenting styles and parent–child communication were used to predict parental distress. Authoritative, authoritarian, and permissive parenting contributed significantly to this model. One final regression was performed with the significant predictors from the two previous equations. This model was significant, with reactive and proactive aggression, and authoritative, authoritarian, and permissive parenting styles making significant contributions. Practice and research implications are briefly discussed. 相似文献
128.
Unilateral presidential actions, such as executive orders, are widely cited as a key strategic tool for presidential power. However, is unilateral action evidence of unilateralism or might it represent executive acquiescence? We answer this by (1) specifying three competing models, each with a different presidential discretion assumption and generating alternative hypotheses; (2) extending the canonical item‐response model to best measure executive‐order significance; and (3) comparing competing theoretical models to data for 1947–2002. Theoretically, we show that legislative preferences may impact unilateral actions differently than previously thought and indicate how parties may be influential. Empirically, a model where the president is responsive to the chamber's majority‐party median fits the data better than models assuming responsiveness to the chamber median or no presidential acquiescence. Unilateral action appears not tantamount to presidential power, as evidence implies that legislative parties, or the judicial actors enforcing their will, are key conditioning factors. 相似文献
129.
130.
Australian climate policy and the Asia Pacific partnership on clean development and climate (APP). From Howard to Rudd: continuity or change? 总被引:2,自引:2,他引:0
Peter Lawrence 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2009,9(3):281-299
This article explains, first, why Australia’s government under John Howard, together with the United States Bush administration
initiated the Asia Pacific Partnership on Clean Development and Climate (APP) and, second, why the succeeding Rudd government
continued to support this initiative. Climate policy under the conservative Howard government (1995–2007) in Australia was
largely dictated by fossil fuel and mineral sector interests, and reflected a close alliance with the Bush administration.
The Howard government shunned the Kyoto Protocol, refused to set national binding greenhouse gas reduction targets and preferred
voluntary cooperative measures with industry. The APP was part of the Howard government’s strategy to demonstrate some policy
movement on climate change while postponing serious action. Climate change was a key issue in the election of the Rudd Labor
government in Australia in December 2007. The Rudd government quickly ratified Kyoto, adopted emission reduction targets,
and moved to introduce emissions trading. The Rudd government’s decision to continue involvement with the APP, albeit with
diminished funding, was a pragmatic one. The APP was supported by industry and provided bridges to China and India—both key
countries in the post-2012 UNFCCC negotiations. Finally, in order to assess the long-term outlook of the APP, the article
provides a preliminary assessment as to whether the APP advances technology transfer.
相似文献
Peter LawrenceEmail: |