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131.
In Hong Kong, ecstasy tablets are more commonly known as "Fing Tau Yuen", literally meaning "Shake Head Pills". The tablets contain mainly amphetamine-type stimulants (ATS) including 3,4-methylenedioxymethamphetamine (MDMA), 3,4-methylenedioxyamphetamine (MDA), methamphetamine (MA) and/or ketamine. Adulterant such as caffeine was also detected in the tablets. This paper reports a study on the impurity profiles of ecstasy tablets from 89 seizures in Hong Kong from 2002 to early 2004. Tablet samples were extracted by diethyl ether under alkaline condition and then analyzed by gas GC-MS. The chromatograms obtained were compared. A total of 19 identified impurities were selected as markers for impurity profiling. They are different precursors, intermediates and by-products. The data matrices were examined by hierarchical cluster analysis (HCA), and then the ecstasy tablets were classified into different groups. Cluster analysis of ecstasy tablets is shown to be capable of providing intelligence on clandestine laboratory networks. 相似文献
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This study looks at trans-border, anti-sweatshop campaigns and the transformation of cross-border activism between Hong Kong and mainland China. Examining two cases, it demonstrates the mechanism and processes of trans-border, anti-sweatshop campaigns and networks involving non-governmental agencies, student groups and workers. The study suggests that anti-sweatshop activism has been conductive and transferrable from Hong Kong to China in a way that has mobilised local civil society power, cultivated mainland activists and nurtured localised pro-labour activism. With Hong Kong activists acting as movement conveyers and mainland activists acting as adapters, anti-sweatshop activism has evolved. Once centred on marketplaces and consumers, it is now centred on production sites, and has moved domestic actors (including workers, students, scholars, media and consumers) from the margins to the centre. Anti-sweatshop activism has moulded itself to local contexts by rebuilding its strategies and tactics while coalescing with overseas networks to integrate strengths across the Hong Kong-Chinese border. Although the anti-sweatshop movement in China has its weaknesses, its evolution has the potential to gradually alter the power asymmetries between domestic and overseas activists. 相似文献
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2006年,5月15日,美国联邦最高法院(以下简称“美国最高法院”)9名大法官全体无异议地做出终审判决,废弃了美国联邦巡回上诉法院(Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit,以下简称CAFC)就MercExchange诉eBay专利侵权案的二审判决,将该案发回重审。此前,美国弗吉尼亚东区联邦地方法院(US District Court for the Eastern District of Virginia,以下简称“地方法院”)拒绝就eBay专利侵权发布永久性禁令(Permanent Injunction),而CAFC推翻了地方法院的这一决定。 相似文献
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目的研究法医学常用Y-STR基因座在中国云南苗族男性个体中的序列多态性。方法采用M48磁珠提取纯化试剂盒提取样本DNA,使用ForenSeqTM DNA Signature Prep试剂盒制备文库,Miseq FGx平台进行测序,ForenSeq Universal Analysis v1.2.1软件进行数据分析,用Arlequin v3.5软件计算各Y-STR基因座相关的统计学参数,将Y-STR基因座长度多态性与序列多态性进行比较。结果108名云南苗族个体中共检出106种单倍型,总体单倍型多样性(HD)和Y-STR分型系统的分辨能力(DC)分别为0.9993和0.9815。24个Y-STR基因座共检出204个基因,基因多样性(gene diversity,GD)值为0.2177~0.9481,15个Y-STR基因座的GD值大于0.6。DYF387S1、DYS390、DYS389II、DYS437、DYS438、DYS448、DYS612基因座存在长度相同的基因核心序列不同的情况。结论该24个Y-STR基因座在云南苗族男性人群中具有丰富的遗传多态性。研究结果可为Y-STR数据库的建立、群体遗传学和法医学实践提供参考。 相似文献
136.
Hong Xue & Anita Chan 《亚洲研究》2013,45(1):55-56
The global value chain concept has become one of the most influential frameworks used in the study of globalization. The paradigm, however, is deficient in explicating the exploitative nature of global value chain governance. Based on a study of soccer ball production in China and Pakistan, this article analyzes global production from three perspectives: the role of the state in shaping the host countries' mode of production and legal framework, the issue of how surplus value is created and distributed, and the use of child labor or prison labor to remain competitive in the chain. The article shows, in the case of Pakistan, how a country using a lower-labor-costs strategy to retain a place in a global value chain allows its workers to be exploited and pauperizes its people. 相似文献
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Che‐po Chan 《当代中国》1999,8(22):381-403
This study investigates the political orientation of Chinese university students after the 1989 movement. By drawing on survey data, it aims to judge whether there is a persistence or discontinuity in the students’ political orientation. It is found that students’ political beliefs remained the same before and after 1989 but their involvement in politics has changed to a pragmatic approach. The impact of the 1989 movement and the opportunity structure available on campus in the 1990s has contributed to the political pragmatism of university students. The relationship between economic activism and political pragmatism among the student population is also explored in this study. 相似文献