Contesting Women's Rights: Charting the Emergence of a Transnational Conservative Counter-network

In recent years it has been claimed by human rights advocates that an “unholy alliance” has emerged internationally to counter the equality claims of the transnational women's rights movement. Using the literature on transnational social movements and counter-movements, this article assesses the interaction between what are conceived of as state and non-state-based conservative patriarchal actors with the transnational women's movement at a series of UN conferences throughout the 1990s and into the new millennium. It suggests that a transnational counter-network has indeed emerged and outlines the prevailing political opportunity structures that have made its mobilisation possible. It also outlines the alternative frames which the counter-network has used in presenting its arguments. The paper indicates that accounts of domestic-level counter-movements hold some explanatory power for studying the emergence of such a movement at the transnational level, but it also suggests that the literature needs to be supplemented with an analysis of the crucial role played by governments as allies or even as network members in influencing this process.     

Hard and Soft Law in the Construction of Social Europe: the Role of the Open Method of Co-ordination

Abstract:  The debate over the Open Method of Co-ordination has reopened discussion of the role of 'soft law' in the process of European integration. This paper outlines the debate over the relative value of hard and soft law in EU social policy, explores the operation of non-binding objectives and guidelines in the European Employment Strategy, suggests a number of reasons why 'soft law' might be effective in this area, and explores the possibility for productive combination of hard and soft law measures.     

Procedural justice in policing: the first phase of an Australian longitudinal study of officer attitudes and intentions

Despite the prominent role that procedural justice has taken in policing research, we know surprisingly little about police perceptions of procedural justice as an effective tool in their encounters with members of the public. In this study, we start with a focus on the perceptions of police recruits in a major police service, exploring their perceptions of procedural justice and its role in policing. Using data from a questionnaire of 450 police recruits in the early stages of their initial training, we find that orientations supportive of procedural justice significantly predict reported intentions to use procedural justice approaches in interacting with others, as well as the prioritization of procedural justice responses to a typical policing encounter (traffic violation). We also find that belief in an obligation to obey the law is significantly associated with perceived procedural justice outcomes. We argue that early supportive orientations towards procedural justice may be important in understanding police officers’ future interactions with members of the public, promoting positive evaluations of justice among citizens, and minimizing the risk of coercive encounters involving officer use of force.     

NSW Workers’ Compensation Reform: A Parody of Evidence‐based Policy Making

The characteristics and evolution of evidence‐based policy making in Australia and other mature democracies have been mapped extensively in this journal. This article advances research on the use of evidence in policy making, examining changes in the New South Wales workers’ compensation system from 2012 to 2014. This analysis of two phases of policy change, legislative implementation and statutory review, highlights the limitations of building integrated, coherent evidence‐based policy in a contentious policy area. The article finds that the collection of wide and detailed evidence will not satisfy requirements of evidence‐based policy without political will, transparency, and accountability.     

Surveying support for child and youth political participation in Australia and New Zealand

Recent decades have witnessed increased empirical and policy interest in children’s citizenship, particularly since the ratification of the United Nations Declaration of Children’s Rights. However, support for children’s active citizenship is often hindered by the pervasiveness of discourses that characterise children as innocent, developing, and free from responsibility. Public and governmental decision-making largely excludes children’s consultation and contributions, often determined by age alone. To quantifiably assess the amount of public support for children’s political participation, we commissioned a Likert scale survey question on degrees of support for children and youth (across four age groups between 3 and 18 year olds) having the opportunity to influence government decisions, in the Australian and New Zealand 2016 versions of the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP). Analysis of responses to this question in relation to demographic survey data indicate variation in preferences for different age groups, and that age, gender, and political party preference of respondents were variables of significance for both nations. These variables point to potential predictors of attitudes toward political participation of children and youth which have relevance for policymakers and educators in relation to provision of programmes that will increase the engagement of children and youth in government decision-making.     

Que sont devenus les fidèles fonctionnaires de I'administration publique canadienne?

La Fonction publique canadienne vit, depuis quelques années, un important changement culturel: les programmes et services ont ete repensés, les méthodes administratives modifiées, les services à la clientèle adaptés aux nouvelles technologies, et la taille de lÉtat considérablement réduite. Des programmes d'encourage-ment au départ anticipé ont été offerts à de nombreux employés. Pourquoi a-t-on décidé de quitter la Fonction publique canadienne? Si tout était à recommencer, prendrait-on la même décision, au même moment et aux mêmes conditions? Comment réagit-on à la perte d'emploi?À quels types d'activites consacre-t-on son temps depuis que l'on a quitté son emploi? Y a-t-il des projets d'avenir? Les reponses a ces questions different-elles selon que l'on est aujourd'hui retraité ou retraité-actif? 930 ex-fonctionnaires de l'administration publique canadienne de la région du Québec ont été interrogés, dont 616 retraités et 314 retraités-actifs. Des différences ont été observées entre les deux groupes en termes de profils, de motivations à quitter la Fonction publique canadienne, de valeurs et d'intérêts, de réactions vis-à-vis de la perte d'emploi et en terme de réceptivité vis-à-vis les alternatives au départ anticipé qu'aurait pu leur offrir la Fonction publique canadienne. Également, les analyses montrent que la Fonction publique canadienne a manifesté un intérêt très limité dans la mise en place de stratégies qui lui auraient permis de maintenir en emploi une bonne proportion de pré-retraités qui auraient préféré, par exemple, le désengage-ment progressif à la fin d'emploi. Abstract: There has been a major cultural change over the last few years within the Canadian Public Service: programs and services were reformulated, administrative methods were modified, client services were adapted to new technologies, and the scope of the government has been greatly reduced. Early-retirement incentive programs were offered to many employees. Why would an individual decide to leave the Canadian Public Service? Were he or she to start all over again, would the same decision, at the same time and under the same conditions, be taken? How is the individual responding to the loss of employment? To what type of activities is time devoted since leaving employment? Are there projects with a future? Are the answers to these questions different depending on whether or not the individual is retired? Nine hundred and thirty former Canadian public administration employees in the Quebec area, including 616 retired and 314 retired but working, were interviewed. Differences were noted between the two groups in terms of profile, reasons for leaving the Canadian Public Service, values and interests, reactions to the loss of employment, and receptivity to the alternatives (other than early retirement) that the Canadian Public Service could have offered them. Analyses also show that very little interest was shown by the Canadian Public Service for implementing strategies that would have allowed it to retain among its employees a high proportion of early retirees who would have preferred, for example, gradual disengagement instead of outright termination.