全文获取类型
收费全文 | 271篇 |
免费 | 7篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 6篇 |
工人农民 | 27篇 |
世界政治 | 30篇 |
外交国际关系 | 16篇 |
法律 | 138篇 |
政治理论 | 52篇 |
综合类 | 9篇 |
出版年
2022年 | 2篇 |
2021年 | 2篇 |
2020年 | 10篇 |
2019年 | 10篇 |
2018年 | 14篇 |
2017年 | 10篇 |
2016年 | 11篇 |
2015年 | 5篇 |
2014年 | 10篇 |
2013年 | 39篇 |
2012年 | 14篇 |
2011年 | 8篇 |
2010年 | 2篇 |
2009年 | 8篇 |
2008年 | 7篇 |
2007年 | 13篇 |
2006年 | 9篇 |
2005年 | 8篇 |
2004年 | 6篇 |
2003年 | 7篇 |
2002年 | 15篇 |
2001年 | 6篇 |
2000年 | 5篇 |
1999年 | 6篇 |
1998年 | 7篇 |
1997年 | 4篇 |
1996年 | 1篇 |
1995年 | 6篇 |
1994年 | 1篇 |
1993年 | 1篇 |
1992年 | 5篇 |
1990年 | 5篇 |
1989年 | 3篇 |
1988年 | 1篇 |
1987年 | 5篇 |
1986年 | 3篇 |
1985年 | 2篇 |
1983年 | 1篇 |
1982年 | 1篇 |
1979年 | 1篇 |
1975年 | 1篇 |
1973年 | 2篇 |
1966年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有278条查询结果,搜索用时 234 毫秒
251.
Drought is most often encountered as a long‐running and recurring climatic extreme; one that can have devastating environmental, social and economic impacts. While drought is a routine feature of the Australian climate, the politics of drought are often highly reactive, and drought support programs are notoriously ad hoc and ineffective. In the context of emergent global recognition of climate change, drought has received renewed political attention that presents significant opportunities for change. In this paper, we review the context of drought policy in Australia. Yet we seek to provide a unique contribution to current debates by considering the perspectives of those people at the forefront of drought; in particular, those people living and working in small rural towns in drought‐affected areas. The aim of the paper is to use a case study to present an account of drought policies and programs from those who are the targets of such interventions. 相似文献
252.
Louise G. White 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2013,36(1-2):103-125
It is tempting to “internationalize the curriculum” in professional graduate programs by adding courses and units that deal with strategies to improve the international competitive position of the United States. The study considers three strategies for dealing more credibly with international and global issues. The more difficult and challenging are those that attempt to incorporate multi- and interdisciplinary activities. The study describes several topics with global implications that would benefit from interdisciplinary study. In the meantime, the traditional perspective of Public Administration is not very relevant to global concerns because of the close connection to nation-states and hierarchical organizations. There are, however, a number of trends in the field that could enhance its ability to contribute to a global perspective such as a growing attention to new institutional arrangements, more emphasis on consultations rather than regulatory controls, and more interest in the role of managers. 相似文献
253.
In homicidal stabbings using a serrated knife, stab wounds involving costal cartilage leave striations on the cut surface of the cartilage from the serration points on the blade edge. Class characteristics of the serrated blade can be determined from the striation marks, and individualizing characteristics may be seen also. The traditional method for recording the striation marks involves the pernickety technique of casting with dental impression material. We assessed the potential utility of micro-computed tomography scanning of the stab track as a technique for nondestructive recording of striation patterns and virtual casting of them. Stab tracks in porcine cartilage, produced with a coarsely serrated blade, were scanned with a bench-top micro-computed tomography scanner. The typical irregularly regular striation pattern could be demonstrated, and the images manipulated, using proprietary software to produce a virtual cast. Whether the technology will have sufficient resolution to image not only class characteristic tool marks but also the much finer individualizing tool marks remains to be evaluated, but the technology shows considerable promise. 相似文献
254.
Prathiba Chitsabesan Charlotte Lennox Louise Theodosiou Heather Law Sue Bailey Jenny Shaw 《The journal of forensic psychiatry & psychology》2014,25(1):1-25
Health inequalities are high among offending groups. The comprehensive health assessment tool (CHAT) is a semi-structured assessment developed to provide a standardised approach to health screening for all young offenders admitted to the secure estate. The four sections of the CHAT (physical health, mental health, substance misuse and neurodisability) were evaluated within a two-phased study of male adolescents (aged 15–18?years) within a young offenders institution in the north-west of England. Within Phase 1, a consecutive sample of 127 new receptions was assessed using the physical health, mental health and substance misuse sections of the CHAT against a range of reference standard assessments. Phase 2 of the study evaluated the neurodisability section on 93 male adolescents against reference standard tools. The four sections of the CHAT demonstrated fair to good convergent validity when compared against reference standard tools in male offenders. The diagnostic accuracy rate was 76% for mental health, 63% for physical health, 83% for substance misuse and 53% for neurodisability when compared against reference standard assessment tools. The introduction of the CHAT offers the opportunity to enhance existing reception screening practices and create an integrated approach to the assessment of health needs across the secure estate. 相似文献
255.
Louise Sylvan 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2005,64(1):83-91
The major portion of this paper concentrates on social movements, how they operate and how they are changing both locally and at the global level. In addition, an attempt is made to frame — necessarily in an overly simplistic way — a view on differences in conception in world models, conceptions about how the world should be evolving and differences of perspective that are in particular represented by the social movements. 相似文献
256.
257.
Louise I. Shelley 《Trends in Organized Crime》1999,4(3):81-107
Conclusion The political-criminal nexus that emerged in the post-Soviet period represents a transformation of the relationships which
existed in the Soviet period. The division of the property of the Soviet state gave ample possibilities for the political-criminal
nexus to obtain significant political assets. They were able to transform their power from one that was rooted in the managerial
apparatus of the Soviet state and the consumer economy into one with international dimensions and control of very large shares
of the domestic economy.
The rise of the political-criminal nexus, while hardly surprising in light of the structure of power relations in the final
decades of the Soviet period, precludes full democratization or the rise of a real market economy. In the initial years of
the transformation process from a socialist to a post-socialist economy, insufficient attention was paid to the containment
of the political-criminal nexus in both Russia and Ukraine. Most Western politicians and international organizations focused
on the collapse of communism rather than the rise of these pernicious alternative power relationships.
The prognosis for the containment of the political-criminal nexus in either country is rather limited at the moment. Ukraine,
however, is at a comparative disadvantage because it has failed to sufficiently acknowledge the high costs of organized crime
and its political links. This has been done at the highest levels of Russian government although precious little has been
done to address the problem.
The Ukraine situation is more difficult because its institutional resources are much more limited than Russia which inherited
a disproportionate share of the Soviet Union's financial and institutional resources. With limited civil society and the economic
precariousness of much of the population, little can be done to control the problem at its roots.
The political-criminal nexus in Russia and Ukraine will remain a serious problem in coming decades. It cannot be ignored in
appraising the development of the domestic political situation in either country or determining foreign policy in relation
to these two newly independent states. 相似文献
258.
Anna Louise von der Lippe 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2000,29(3):373-393
Thirty-nine adolescent girls, 16–19 years, were observed together with their 2 parents at a family discourse about moral and family issues on which they disagreed, to study interaction and conflict handling in families with daughters at different levels of ego development. Family interactions were coded by the Constraining and Enabling Coding System, ego development by the Washington University Sentence Completion Test and handling of internal conflict by Bond Defense Style Questionaire. Daughters' ego development was predicted by parental cognitive and affective enabling, but not by constraining communications. Fathers' cognitive and affective enabling transactions and mothers' affective enabling transactions contributed to the explained variance in the adolescents' ego development when daughters' age, parents' SES and ego development were controlled for in hierarchical regression analyses. Parents' ego levels were related to their enabling transactions, which also predicted daughters' ego levels, suggesting that especially enabling parenting behavior may play a mediating role. Mothers' challenging behavior toward daughters and parental autonomy from responding in kind to daughters' communications were also related to high ego levels in daughters. 相似文献
259.
Louise 《Women's studies international forum》2002,25(6)
This paper explores the ways in which the Chinese women's suffrage movement used racializing narratives to alter the boundaries that had excluded women from full participation in politics in the first two decades of the 20th century. It extends existing work on the connection between narratives of race and women's suffrage in countries such as Australia, New Zealand, South Africa and the USA to explore how “race” was mobilized in China in the late-Qing and early Republican period. The article has three main areas of innovation. First, it explores the deployment of racializing narratives within the broader discourses of modernity circulating in China wherein modernization was premised on a racialized notion of national identity—that is “modernization as Han chauvinism.” Second, this article aims to participate in the process of extending the history of women's suffrage from primary reliance on class analysis and towards methods that explore the multiple categories of exclusion and inclusion. Third, this article aims to explore the manner in which narratives of race were invoked within a feminist political campaign that occurred in a nation without a history of European colonization. The article demonstrates that the multiplicity of possible gains sought under the banner of “race” makes it an unreliable category to invoke for struggles that are ultimately determined by “gendered” divisions. 相似文献
260.