全文获取类型
收费全文 | 449篇 |
免费 | 6篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 30篇 |
工人农民 | 1篇 |
世界政治 | 55篇 |
外交国际关系 | 12篇 |
法律 | 168篇 |
中国政治 | 9篇 |
政治理论 | 180篇 |
出版年
2020年 | 3篇 |
2019年 | 3篇 |
2018年 | 3篇 |
2015年 | 3篇 |
2014年 | 4篇 |
2013年 | 26篇 |
2012年 | 15篇 |
2011年 | 17篇 |
2010年 | 15篇 |
2009年 | 17篇 |
2008年 | 23篇 |
2007年 | 21篇 |
2006年 | 19篇 |
2005年 | 9篇 |
2004年 | 4篇 |
2003年 | 11篇 |
2002年 | 7篇 |
2000年 | 3篇 |
1999年 | 7篇 |
1998年 | 4篇 |
1997年 | 10篇 |
1996年 | 15篇 |
1995年 | 13篇 |
1994年 | 7篇 |
1993年 | 9篇 |
1992年 | 9篇 |
1991年 | 12篇 |
1990年 | 11篇 |
1989年 | 16篇 |
1988年 | 11篇 |
1987年 | 13篇 |
1986年 | 5篇 |
1985年 | 5篇 |
1984年 | 11篇 |
1983年 | 8篇 |
1982年 | 8篇 |
1981年 | 3篇 |
1980年 | 5篇 |
1979年 | 10篇 |
1978年 | 7篇 |
1977年 | 3篇 |
1976年 | 4篇 |
1975年 | 3篇 |
1974年 | 3篇 |
1973年 | 4篇 |
1970年 | 4篇 |
1967年 | 4篇 |
1966年 | 3篇 |
1960年 | 3篇 |
1959年 | 2篇 |
排序方式: 共有455条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
381.
382.
383.
MICHAEL SAWARD 《Political studies》1990,38(4):588-602
This paper examines the central generalizable factors which influence the flow of power within formal or 'institutional' cooptive arrangements. It examines the key resources of four different types of societal group and explores the utility of these resources in the light of an account of basic government needs. In the light of this, it explores a range of group-government dependencies. Its aim is to set out why some groups can get more and others less from formal government cooption, other things being equal. This enables us to isolate factors of central importance to various cooptive arrangements in quite different contexts. 相似文献
384.
America is thought to be an exceptional political system, and, in many of its particulars, it certainly differs from the institutional arrangements found in most of the world's democracies. Its separation-of-powers regime is thought to have spawned, in recent decades, the phenomenon of divided government in which partisan control of political institutions is divided between the major parties. By implication, it is suggested that this robust regularity in which Democrats control the legislature and Republicans the executive is a consequence of its institutional arrangements and, therefore, distinguishes America from its parliamentary counterparts elsewhere. In this article, the authors suggest that parliamentary regimes, too, experience divided government. Specifically, minority governments, in which the executive is controlled by parties that, between them, control less than a legislative majority, is the closest analogue to divided government in America. In each case, the executive needs to seek support in the legislature beyond its own partisan base. Thus, divided government per se does not distinguish parliamentary and separation-of-powers regimes. What does, however, are the constitutional roots of this phenomenon: divided governments are negotiated in parliamentary regimes whereas they are mandated electorally in separation-of-powers regimes. 相似文献
385.
This study examines Japanese crime trends and explores an area rarely investigated by researchers. By focusing on relationships between penal code offenses known to the police and population growth in Japan over the last six decades, it is possible to gain further insight into Nihon's (Japan's) low crime figures. In addition, the paper compares Japanese and American crime rates for selected offenses. The findings support previous research that identified low levels of crime in Japan. During the 62 year period included in this study, population and population density increased considerably in Japan, but crime rates, after fluctuations immediately before and after World War II, dropped significantly. On the average, total penal code offenses, homicide, and arson were greater during the pre-war years, and rape, robbery, and all felonies, as a composite, were higher in the post-war era. 相似文献
386.
JAMES N. DRUCKMAN LANNY W. MARTIN MICHAEL F. THIES 《Legislative Studies Quarterly》2005,30(4):529-548
In most parliamentary democracies, governments must maintain the confidence of a single legislative chamber only. But in bicameral parliaments, upper chambers can affect the fortunes of government policy proposals. Recent work shows that parliamentary governments that lack control over the upper house also tend to collapse sooner than those with upper‐house majorities. In this article, we show that coalition builders anticipate the importance of upper‐chamber status (majority or minority) in making their formation decisions. After controlling for a host of “usual suspect” variables concerning the institutional, ideological, and partisan context of coalition building, and examining 15,590 potential governments in 129 bargaining situations, we found that potential coalitions that control upper‐house majorities are significantly more likely to form than are those with upper‐house minorities. Our findings are important for students of bicameralism, government formation, institutions, and, perhaps most significantly, for those who study policymaking in parliamentary democracies. 相似文献
387.
This paper sets out to test the ‘convergence thesis’ in respect of managers in the public and private sectors in Britain. New Public Management (NPM) initiatives have had the objective of making managerial behaviour in public sector organizations more similar to that in the private sector. Based on unique national surveys undertaken in 1980, 1990 and 2000, using quite large random samples of fellows and members of the Chartered Management Institute (CMI), comparisons are made to investigate whether ‘convergence’ between public and private sector managers has actually occurred. The patterns are found to be complex and, although there are some signs of convergence, the two sectors continue to exhibit similarities, persistent differences and parallel movements evident in managerial attitudes, behaviour and experiences. 相似文献
388.
We describe a model of electoral selection and legislative policy choice that explores the effects of term limits on legislative spending. In the model, self‐interested voters in a collection of districts prefer representatives who deliver pork over representatives who maximize aggregate social welfare. Term limits can, in some cases, inhibit voters from selecting representatives who deliver particularistic benefits, and, in these cases, term limits reduce pork spending. On the other hand, when pork is extremely socially inefficient, representatives who want to deliver pork to their districts have incentives to refrain from doing so to reduce future pork in other districts. In this scenario, term limits actually prevent legislators from promoting future spending moderation and thus paradoxically increase pork spending. 相似文献
389.
MICHAEL DILLON 《International Political Sociology》2007,1(1):7-28
This paper argues that western security practices are as biopolitical as they are geopolitical. Explaining that biopolitical security practices revolve around "life" as species existence, the paper explores how biopoliticized security practices secure by instantiating a general economy of the contingent throughout all the processes of reproductive circulation that impinge upon species existence. For this reason, "Governing Terror" does not merely reference the massive global security effort that is now devoted to governing terror. It observes how western security practices are themselves now also governed by a widespread fear of terror. It locates that fear in the way that western biopolitics has long adopted "the contingent" as its principle of formation. Here, "the real" is understood and experienced differently, as a general economy of emergence: "life" understood as constant nonlinear adaptation and change. The paper concludes that the state of emergency, which governs western politics of security at the beginning of the twenty-first century is not that of Carl Schmitt or Giorgio Agamben. The state of emergency which governs western security politics is the emergency of emergent life itself. 相似文献
390.