ABSTRACTDuring the Cold War, Sharaf Rashidov became a representative of the Soviet anti-imperialist agenda, a key interlocutor with Third World leaders and a promoter of Uzbekistan as a modern and emancipated model of political, economic, social and cultural development for newly independent countries emerging from decolonization. Tashkent hosted important meetings among Soviet and Asian leaders, along with international festivals of cinema and literature, which attracted hundreds of Asian, African and Latin American intellectuals, writers, poets, journalists, trade unionists and athletes. Moreover, Uzbekistan came to symbolize the self-proclaimed compatibility between communism and Islam, offering a façade of religious freedom, tolerance and tradition combined with Bolshevik progress. The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan discredited this narrative – and Uzbekistan and (posthumously) Rashidov were humiliated in the Cotton Affair – pointing to the impact as well as the limits of Uzbek internationalism. 相似文献
Reported is the case of a man killed by a neighbor with a shotgun loaded with a unusual ammunition. The cartridge contained several shots chained together by metallic wires. Such ammunition has been used for hunting purposes but is now banned, so it can be handmade only. The joined pellets produce a wound with features that are different from those of a wound made by a regular load of pellets. Several interpretive problems are caused by the unknown number of pellets contained in the shell and the effects of the wire holding the shot together. 相似文献
On the eve of Chile's transition from military to elected government, the outgoing regime enacted an electoral engineering project intended to conserve the constitutional order it encoded in 1980. An analysis of 1989 and 1993 general elections shows that the way votes are translated into seats favors, as intended, the second largest electoral block, the Chilean Right. This bias, along with the number of appointed senators and the special majorities required for constitutional amendments, gives the Right a minority veto power on any reform initiative. Moreover, the electoral system produces incentives for parties, candidates and voters that enhances this balance of power. The role that the electoral system plays in Chile therefore consolidates a limited form of democracy, rather than a liberal one. 相似文献
We consider the simplest version of a jungle economy à la Piccione-Rubinstein, wherein as many agents as goods are assumed, agents consume at most one indivisible good, and a transitive strong power relation exists. We first study the wilderness of jungle equilibria, i.e., whether they are Pareto-minimal (an allocation is Pareto-minimal if it is impossible to reduce the welfare of one agent without increasing the welfare of another). We show that jungle equilibria are not necessarily Pareto-minimal. We then study and characterize the set of Pareto-minimal jungle equilibria. Second, we tackle the case of equally powerful people, in contrast to the assumption that the power relation is asymetric. Assuming specifically a transitive weak power relation, we show that jungle equilibria exist, but that they are not always unique, nor Pareto-optimal. We also provide conditions under which those equilibria are Pareto-minimal.
Previous research has shown that teachers’ actions when addressing conflict on school grounds can shape adolescent perceptions
regarding how well the school manages victimization. Our objective in this study was to determine how these perceptions influenced
the likelihood that adolescent students would react to victimization scenarios by either seeking help from school authority
or physically fighting back. Vignettes describing two events of victimization were administered to 148 ethnic minority adolescents
(Latino, African American, and Asian backgrounds; 49% female) attending an urban high school with high rates of conflict.
Positive perceptions of teachers’ actions during conflicts—assessed via a questionnaire tapping how teachers manage student
conflicts both generally and in a specific instance of strife—predicted a greater willingness to seek help from school authority,
which in turn negatively predicted self-reported aggressive responses to the victimization scenarios. Path analysis established
the viability of this indirect effect model, even when we controlled for sex, beliefs about the acceptability of aggression,
and previous levels of reactive aggression. Adolescents’ perceptions of teachers’ actions during conflicts are discussed in
relation to social information processing models, improving student–teacher relations, and decreasing aggression at schools. 相似文献
Government managers play a central role in the public administration of countries to support their overall efficiency. The compensation of central government senior managers has received considerable attention in recent years since it has risen in many countries. The public, the media and academia see government senior managers as being overpaid, with salaries increasing in a disproportionate and inequitable way. The literature has analyzed some possible determinants of this socio-administrative issue. However, the political and institutional factors affecting public managers’ compensation are still largely unknown. This study shows that the average compensation of central government senior managers in some OECD countries seems to be positively associated with the average salary of members of parliament (MPs). Furthermore, high compensation of public managers seems to be more frequent in countries with low freedom of expression, of association and of the media, as well as low quality of contract enforcement, property rights and control of corruption. These results may provide fruitful insights into the possible causes of this relation, to support reforms and best practices which can improve the efficiency of the public administration in modern economies. 相似文献