The politics of deep integration*

Abstract

Efforts to pursue ‘deep integration’—agreeing to international rules governing domestic policies to mitigate their adverse trade effects—have been pivotal to the politicization of trade policy. The contributions to this special issue focus on different political dynamics associated with recent high-profile efforts at deep integration. Collectively, they analyse the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA), the Transpacific Partnership (TPP) and the Japan–European Union Economic Partnership Agreement (JEEPA) negotiations. The special issue, therefore, focuses on extreme examples of deep integration in order to illuminate new political dynamics. This introductory article introduces the concept of ‘deep integration’ and explores how it has been pursued in historical and contemporary trade negotiations. It also relates recent attempts at deep integration to the rise of populist anti-globalization movements. In light of these discussions, this article introduces the contributions to the issue. It concludes by considering whether the politics associated with TTIP and CETA in Europe represent the future of trade policy.     

Intergovernmental policy makes transnational politics? The unusually transnational politics of TTIP

Abstract

When the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) negotiations were underway, its politics were distinctively transnational. Numerous alliances between European and American industry associations advocated an ambitious agreement to mitigate the effects of conflicting rules. Some civic interest groups also closely cooperated to shape the agreement, while a broad, loose transatlantic coalition of civic interest groups opposed it. The extent of transnationalism in TTIP was greater than what had come before in the transatlantic relationship and what is evident in contemporaneous analogous trade negotiations. This article argues that while the salience of a trade negotiation affects whether societal actors mobilize, it is not sufficient to prompt transnational cooperation. Rather transnational cooperation stems primarily from what the actors are seeking to achieve and whether they have a motive and opportunity to work together. By clarifying the conditions under which transnational cooperation is more likely, this article informs the emerging literature on the new politics of trade. By making the case that the motives to mobilize and cooperate require distinct analysis, it contributes to the literature on transnationalism.     

Asymmetrical Regionalism: China,Southeast Asia and Uneven Development

Does the rise of China present a threat or an opportunity for Southeast Asia? One of the most revealing arenas in which this will be determined will be within the context of regional institution-building. For a region that is perennially associated with under-institutionalisation it is remarkable just how many initiatives have been proposed recently. Such institutions, may be important venues within which ‘asymmetric regionalism’ may be manifest and perhaps managed. The paper provides an assessment of this process through an analysis of China’s relationship with Southeast Asia. The paper initially provides a brief theoretical introduction which explains the relationship between regional development and its possible impact on inter-state relations. Following this I provide an analysis of the political economic and strategic dynamics that are shaping and being shaped by regional initiatives. Finally, I assess how successful ASEAN’s efforts have been to engage China via regional mechanisms has actually been.     

Self-directed work teams: Process with measurement

This article provides a group process for teaching an organizational theory class. The teaching strategy incorporates case teaching with a group simulation. After a discussion of the process, the article provides measurement criteria to evaluate the teaching exercise. Students generally viewed the project as a positive learning experience. However, there are risks inherent in teaching exercises involving groups and these are discussed.     

18世纪的财产与刑罚:贝卡里亚及其批判者

贝卡里亚否认将财产视为自然或绝对的权利,但未正式提倡废除一切私有权。他指出个体欲望能促使每个人积极奋斗,并使财富在此过程中得以扩张,因此认为资源不平等在某种程度上是能够接受的。这种观点与《犯罪与刑罚》的主旨存在着潜在冲突：更为平等的财富和权力对他提倡的刑事司法制度形成至关重要。他的观点受到当时比他保守和激进的人的质疑和批评。保守主义者费尔迪南多·法基内认为等级社会中土地所有者的家族式统治应当得到刑法的维护和支撑。早期社会主义者艾伯·马布利则对贝卡里亚倡导的改革在充满竞争和不平等的资本主义社会的可行性表示怀疑。     

A Global Model for Forecasting Political Instability

Examining onsets of political instability in countries worldwide from 1955 to 2003, we develop a model that distinguishes countries that experienced instability from those that remained stable with a two-year lead time and over 80% accuracy. Intriguingly, the model uses few variables and a simple specification. The model is accurate in forecasting the onsets of both violent civil wars and nonviolent democratic reversals, suggesting common factors in both types of change. Whereas regime type is typically measured using linear or binary indicators of democracy/autocracy derived from the 21-point Polity scale, the model uses a nonlinear five-category measure of regime type based on the Polity components. This new measure of regime type emerges as the most powerful predictor of instability onsets, leading us to conclude that political institutions, properly specified, and not economic conditions, demography, or geography, are the most important predictors of the onset of political instability.     

Desperation votes and private interests: an analysis of Confederate trade legislation

The Confederate Congress passed draconian trade legislation in February 1864 to regulate the blockade running business in contrast to their free trade agenda. This legislation created higher prices and deadweight costs except in areas under Union control. We examine the series of votes and proposed amendments relating to the passage of this legislation and find that representatives were more likely to vote for trade regulations if their districts would be largely unaffected by the legislation, such as those districts under Union occupation. This private interest explanation provides a heretofore unexplored historical example of public choice theory under extreme conditions.     

An integrated Toolkit for institutional development

An integrated Toolkit for institutional development is presented. It is intended to be used by the non-profits themselves to address current shortcomings in the field of institutional development of non-profit organizations, including: inadequate measures of institutional capacity, difficulty diagnosing priority areas within an organization for improvement; lack of simple mechanisms to improve understanding by non-profit staff of the interrelated components of their organization; and inadequate mechanisms to compare institutional development across organizations. The Toolkit emphasizes participation, use of management systems, and the independence of the organization. The Toolkit provides both an analytic (table) and visual (graphic) presentation of results. The system is now fully automated. Utilization of the Toolkit can address many of the shortcomings listed above as well as help provide a useful way to develop consensus and unite energies among the board, staff, beneficiaries, and donors.