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Kristen Shook Slack Jane L. Holl Bong Joo Lee Marla McDaniel Lisa Altenbernd Amy Bush Stevens 《Journal of policy analysis and management》2003,22(4):517-536
Recent changes in welfare policy have produced changes in parental work and welfare receipt. These factors are assessed in relation to investigated reports of child abuse and neglect using survey data on 1998 welfare recipients in nine Illinois counties, in conjunction with longitudinal administrative data on cash welfare benefits, employment, and child abuse and neglect reports. Trend analyses show that rates of child maltreatment reports among welfare recipients have risen since the passage of PRWORA in 1996. Findings from multivariate analyses indicate that parental employment has a protective effect on reports to child protection systems (CPS), that this effect is greatest when combined with welfare receipt, and that this effect becomes stronger over time. Those who receive welfare in the absence of employment face a significantly greater risk of CPS involvement, even compared with those who neither work nor receive welfare. © 2003 by the Association for Public Policy Analysis and Management 相似文献
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Giorgio Del Vecchio 《Critical Studies on Terrorism》2018,11(1):173-194
This article intends to cast new light on the history of the Italian left-wing armed struggle using the research perspectives offered by Critical Terrorism Studies (CTS). The object of the analysis is Prima Linea (Front Line, PL), which in less than 5 years (1976–1981) became the second most important left-wing clandestine organisation of the Italian 1970s. On the one hand, the historical development of the organisation is divided into two distinct phases. On the other hand, three dimensions of the armed activity of PL will be considered, namely, its ideological approaches, its organisational repertoires and the choice of the targets, in order to investigate the origins, meanings and outcomes of certain framing processes related to the concept of political violence. Taking into consideration direct sources of the organisation and the debates within the social movements, this contribution contextualises these conceptualisation processes of political violence by relating them to the surrounding social context and focusing on the role played both by the structural dynamics from above, and by the theories and practices developed within the revolutionary Left. The aim is to de-exceptionalise and historicise the left-wing armed struggle in Italy and to propose a critical explanation of such phenomenon. 相似文献
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Marla Andrea Ramírez 《New Political Science》2018,40(2):317-335
This article examines the history of US citizenship and deportation policies that have always been based on race, class status, and gender, as well as the effects of such policies on the making of Mexican illegality. Mexicans have been constructed as unassimilable and a threat to the US national polity. They are also viewed as working class likely to become a public charge. Mexican women have been imagined as extremely fertile and while their production has been desired, their reproduction has been feared. These social, political, and legal constructions resulted in the creation of Mexican illegality despite time of residence in the United States, ties to US citizens, or birthright citizenship. While scholars have documented immigration laws that have expatriated US citizen women (mainly of European racial backgrounds), policies that allowed for the deportation of “public charge” cases, and the racialization of Mexicans, who were once considered legally white for naturalization processes; the three identity-based exclusions have not been examined together to understand Mexican experiences in the United States. This article utilizes a racial, class, and gendered analysis to understand the making of Mexican illegality that began with the 1790 citizenship statue in which the United States Congress limited US citizenship rights to “free ‘white people’ and women’s citizenship was determined by their fathers or husbands.” The making of Mexican illegality continues with today’s immigration restrictions that perceive Mexicans as a threat to: national security, the white racial makeup of the country, and the stability of the economy. 相似文献
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Despite the existence of rigid civil service systems in many developing countries providing relative stability of public officials, staff posting and transfers are often based on short‐term political criteria. This means high staff circulation in key government posts, leading to a situation of ‘instability within stability’. This article analyses high staff circulation in the government health services in Balochistan, Pakistan. The analysis is based on literature review, a small pilot study and authors' experience in the province. The article notes that high staff turnover and, more specifically, circulation are context‐specific. Four issues are raised. Firstly, the extent of staff turnover is analysed and references are made to its frequency, the organization and cadre. Secondly, the social and political underpinning of high staff circulation is outlined: political patronage, low implementation of rules, staff preferences and public sector control. Thirdly, the problems of staff turnover are raised with specific reference to the problems of continuity, change and participation. Fourthly, the issue of solutions is raised at two levels: structural change to lessen high staff turnover, and dealing with it on a day‐to‐day managerial level. Lastly, substantive and methodological issues are raised with respect to taking the analysis further. Copyright © 2000 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
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