家庭不是体罚虐待儿童的天堂

又是一起儿童被亲生父母毒打致死的惨案：在苦苦挣扎了61个小时之后,2010年1月31日12时许,2岁男童小金良带着满身伤痕终于离开了这个对他而言充满了苦难的世界,凶手是孩子的父亲、     

建立中印自由贸易区的难点问题与对策研究

近年来,中印两国关于建立中印自由贸易区（RTA）的研究取得了明显的进展,但尚未进入政府间的谈判,要建立RTA还有不少难点与挑战。主要是历史及边界遗留问题、现实产品市场竞争及能源竞争问题、预期利益分享的计算问题等一时难以逾越的障碍和挑战。在现阶段仍可从以下方面多做些工作：完善两国政治及军事交流与合作机制,理性疏导两国国内的民族主义情绪,在涉及各国国内敏感问题时应给予相互尊重,加强双方在关税和非关税领域合作力度,完善双方已有的区域合作机制,加强专业人才交流与培训,等等。     

Fundamental change or no change? The process of constitutionalizing Uganda

Formal and informal political institutions in Uganda are examined in order to establish what, and how much has changed since the National Resistance Movement (NRM) led by Yoweri Museveni came to power in 1986. The country's 1995 constitution offers many democratic innovations but it also continues to reflect the informal institution of presidentialism. The presidential tradition has nonetheless changed since Museveni took office: the executive is now more accountable than before. The use of state resources for political legitimation also continues to exist but is no longer a form of outright robbery of the state. Clientelism and ‘affective’ ties constitute a further informal institution. The ‘tribal’ features have become stronger since 1986. The persistence of certain informal institutions is confirmed by reference to recent political discourse in Uganda. Thus the NRM government has built relative stability and peace, which are important for constitutional rule, but is simultaneously undermining stability by politicizing ethnicity as well as by placing severe restrictions on opposition party activities. The informal political institutions in Uganda have changed since 1986, but not in a uni‐directional manner: some changes support constitutional rule, and some impede it.     

Editor's note

Abstract

In this article the author investigates the degree to which regional political relationships as well as domestic political stability have changed as a result of the Gulf War. As the countries of the former Warsaw Pact, Latin America, and elsewhere attempt to democratize, often with American support, the countries of the Gulf, at least on the governmental level, appear largely immune to this trend. This is belied somewhat by popular desires for political liberalization as well as cynicism about America's aims in the region. The political future and stability of this key part of the world is further complicated by the changing relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia who share a distrust for Iraq if little else. Thus, despite the Gulf War, many of the key issues that have traditionally influenced the Gulf region remain salient even after significant modifications in the status of the regional power‐holders.