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31.
Abstract

External intervention has frustrated and continues to frustrate peace and stability in the Horn of Africa and Somalia, adding various adverse layers to an already complicated and complex conflict. The level of forceful military engagement intended for regional domination has profoundly affected negatively the efforts of peacebuilding and statebuilding in Somalia. This article examines how the earlier Ethiopian policies towards Somalia has reshaped the (post)-Cold War politics of the Horn. In doing so, it traces the roots of the Ethiopian intervention in Somalia vis-à-vis new non-state armed groups to chart the changing political dynamics of the conflict in Somalia. By using historical approach, the article argues that Ethiopia’s agenda is central to understanding why the ‘War on Terror’ has strengthened and subsequently midwifed armed militant movements (e.g. new insurgency groups) in Somalia, starting from Al-Itihaad to today’s Al-Shabaab. In focusing upon various regional actors and groups, the article moves from the emphasis of internal systems to external power structures, considering the wider historical and political factors in the region that must be closely examined if the regional and local conflicts are to be deeply understood. While it is a context-specific study, the article aims to contribute fresh perspectives and insights to ongoing discussions on the consequences of the Ethiopian intervention in Somalia.  相似文献   
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This study describes in detail the results of a laboratory investigation where the compressive strength of 150mm side-length cubes was evaluated. Non-destructive testing (NDT) was carried out using ultrasonic pulse velocity (UPV) and impact rebound hammer (IRH) techniques to establish a correlation with the compressive strengths of compression tests. To adapt the Schmidt hammer apparatus and the ultrasonic pulse velocity tester to the type of concrete used in Algeria, concrete mix proportions that are recommended by the Algerian code were chosen. The resulting correlation curve for each test is obtained by changing the level of compaction, water/cement ratio and concrete age of specimens. Unlike other works, the research highlights the significant effect of formwork material on surface hardness of concrete where two different mould materials for specimens were used (plastic and wood). A combined method for the above two tests, reveals an improvement in the strength estimation of concrete. The latter shows more improvement by including the concrete density. The resulting calibration curves for strength estimation were compared with others from previous published literature.  相似文献   
33.
In Algeria, large quantities of hashish are seized every year. This study aimed to investigate the total content of major cannabinoids in the illicit seized hashish in Algeria over an 8-year period (2011–2018) in order to establish the chemical profile of North African hashish. A total of 3265 hashish samples were analyzed using a validated high-performance liquid chromatography–diode array detection (HPLC-DAD) method, allowing the simultaneous quantification of both the acidic and the neutral forms of Δ9-tetrahydrocannabinol (THC), cannabidiol (CBD), and cannabinol (CBN). The results revealed a slight upward trend in the mean THC content, from 7.0% in 2011 to 9.4% in 2018, with an overall mean value of 8.4%. The overall means of CBD and CBN content were 3.5% and 0.8%, respectively. The number of high-potency hashish samples gradually increased to reach 6% in 2018. Two distinct hashish chemotypes were identified: the highly populated chemotype II, corresponding to the traditional medium-potency hashish ([THC + CBN]/CBD ~ 2.16), and chemotype I, containing hashish samples of relatively high THC levels and low levels of CBD (ratio ~ 4.90). Both chemotypes I and II were characterized in the ternary plot, and the proportions (THC:CBD:CBN) were about 85%:13%:2% and 60%:35%:5%, respectively.  相似文献   
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Sommaire: Dans cet article, I'auteur a examiné sur une pé riode de cinq ans, de 1979 à 1984, les facteurs qui semblent avoir affecté la mise en oeuvre du plan de gestion de la Commission royale sur la gestion financière et I'imputabilité. Il conclut que la mise en oeuvre du plan en question a é té affecté e par des variables organisation- nelles et politiques. Pour ce qui est des variables organisationnelles, nous retrouvons I'incompatibilité du plan de gestion de la Commission avec la straté gic anté rieure de gestion du Cabinet, les rapports de force entre les organismes centraux et les ministères et organismes, la fragmentation du processus dé cisionnel et les changements apportés à la gestion gouvernementale entre 1976 et 1979. Les pré fé rences des principaux acteurs, la responsabilité collective du Cabinet, la responsabilité ministé rielle, le rôe et les traditions parlementaires constituent les obstacles politiques les plus importants. Abstract: In this article, the author examines over a five-year period, from 1979 to 1984, the factors that appear to have affected the implementation of the management plan of the Royal Commission on Financial Management and Accountability. His conclusion is that the implementation of that plan was affected by organizational and political variables. Among the organizational variables, there is the incompatibility between the commission's management plan and the previous management strategy of the cabinet, the relative strength of the central agencies and the departments and organizations, the fragmentation of the decision-making process, and the changes in government management between 1976 and 1979. The preferences of the main parties involved, the collective responsibility of the cabinet, ministerial responsibility, as well as parliamentary roles and traditions, are the major political impediments.  相似文献   
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Cybercrimes are increasing in Malaysia. According to a report the crimes jumped by 88 per cent in 2011 with 15,218 cases compared with 8090 in 2010. This report has caused a lot of concern from the Government and the public. At a glance, these crimes are like ‘diseases’ spreading throughout the country and causing damage to people, the economy and the country. Although various efforts have been taken and some are still ongoing, total prevention of cybercrime is very difficult. Combating the threat is very challenging since Malaysia is still lacking in many of the tools required including manpower and technology. But the efforts will continue. This paper discusses some of the efforts taken by the Government and other organisations to deal with these problems followed by an analysis on the application of cyberlaws and how these measures work together with the traditional law in tackling cybercrime cases.  相似文献   
39.
The historical record of the majority of inter- and intra-state conflicts indicates frequent third-party interventions in these conflicts. In the decades following World War II, the United States has been one of the most frequent interveners in third world internal wars. This study focuses on the repercussions of U.S. military interventions on the intensity of civil conflict and political violence in the targeted nations. A comprehensive empirical analysis suggests that in addition to low per capita income, large populations, high religious fractionalization, and weak governance, the direct and indirect involvement of the U.S. military may also lead to increased civil strife and political violence in the targeted nations. U.S. military involvement increases the probability of political instability and unrest and hence could be one of the many conditions that favor insurgency.  相似文献   
40.
Using polyarchy as an analytical frame of reference in combination with other democracy performance evaluation methods, this article offers a longitudinal analysis interrogating the democratic credentials of African decolonization and second liberation movement governments. Characteristically, upon victory and rise to power, some liberation movement governments failed to implement the democratic values that kindled their struggle. One subsequent result of this anomaly is the emergence of ‘movement governments' caught between internal and external pressures to democratize and the movements' desire to maintain their grip on power and the control of the personnel and resources of government at any cost. The article attempts to explain these tendencies against the backdrop of structural factors both internal and external to the African state, culminating in democratic deficits in both decolonization and second liberation movement governments.  相似文献   
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