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81.
A prominent name in modern-day philosophy and a true public intellectual, Mohammed Arkoun (1928–2010) enjoys an international academic reputation. The present article aims to analyse the relationship Arkoun maintained with a specific learning space, the Institute of Ismaili Studies (IIS). This research institute, based in London, strives to promote research that focuses on Islam and on Muslims and serves as a junction point for the Ismaili community. This paper will attempt to clarify the processes at play in this collaboration between a thinker and an institution: what are the conditions that influence the institutional ties of an intellectual? How is an affinity formed and negotiated between a specific organisational framework and a personal project? 相似文献
82.
Jun Ai Chong B.D.S. M.F.D.S. R.C.S.Ed. Alizae Marny Fadzlin Syed Mohamed B.D.S. M.Sc. M.Orth.R.C.S. Murshida Marizan Nor D.D.S. M.Sc.D. M.Orth.R.C.S. Allan Pau B.D.S. M.Sc. Ph.D. F.D.S. R.C.S.Ed. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2020,65(6):2000-2007
Although there is clinical applicability of the palatal rugae as an identification tool in forensic odontology, controversy exists whether the palatal rugae patterns are stable or variable. The greater the genetic component, the higher the probability that palatal rugae patterns are stable. The aim of this study was to compare the palatal rugae morphology between full siblings and the proportion of variability due to genetic component. This cross-sectional study was conducted on digital models of 162 siblings aged 15–30 years old. The palatal rugae patterns were assessed with Thomas and Kotze (1983) classification using Geomagic Studio software (3D Systems, Rock Hill, SC). The palatal rugae morphology between siblings showed significantly similar characteristics for total number of left rugae (p = 0.001), left primary rugae (p = 0.017), secondary rugae for right (p = 0.024) and left sides (p = 0.001), right straight rugae (p = 0.010), and right convergent rugae (p = 0.005) accounting for at least 6.25%-12.8% of the variability due to heredity. Despite the similarities found, the palatal rugae patterns showed significant differences between siblings of at least 46.9% (p = 0.001). Zero heritability was found in 9 of the 14 rugae patterns. Meanwhile, total number of rugae, primary, backward, and convergent rugae showed moderate heritability (h2 > 0.3) and total number of secondary rugae showed high heritability (h2 > 0.6). In conclusion, despite the individuality characteristics, an appreciable hereditary component is observed with significant similarities found between sibling pairs and the palatal rugae patterns were both environmentally and genetically influenced. 相似文献
83.
This article aims at contributing to the discussion on the fiscal transparency puzzle. The authors challenge the idea that fiscal disclosure can directly increase fiscal accountability. Using an original data set at the level of individual members of parliament (MPs) in the Egyptian parliament, constructed from content analysis of budgetary discussions during the period 2000–10, it is shown that political incentives determined by a majoritarian electoral system curbed the willingness to check government fiscal behaviour, even among opposition MPs. This is because MPs still favoured pork-barrel behaviour to boost their re-election chances. Moreover, fiscal data disclosed could not be communicated to voters and the opposition showed a relatively higher avoidance against fiscal disclosure. The authors conclude that the electoral system is a dominant factor in shaping the final effect of transparency given its influence on the structure of political incentives. 相似文献
84.
Mohamed Mahmoud 《New Political Science》2013,35(1):65-88
Mahmud Muhammad Taha founded the Jumhuri (Republican) Party in 1945 in the context of the fight for Sudan's independence. The nature of the party's ideology went through a radical change after Taha emerged from a mystical retreat in 1951. In the light of this ideology, the party advocated a "neo-Islamist" position committed to a reconciliation of Islam and modernity. Some of Taha's social and political stances are critically examined. Particular attention is paid to the reasons at the root of the demise of the Jumhuri movement after Taha's execution in January of 1985. 相似文献
85.
Mohamed Abusabib 《New Political Science》2013,35(1):89-111
This paper is an attempt in cultural criticism from a certain aesthetic standpoint to investigate how the arts can give insight into the identity problem of Northern Sudanese. Given the archaeological and historical refutation of migration theory and the consolidation of the notion of the ethnic continuity of the central riverain inhabitants (the Ja'liyyin) as Nubians, the paper disputes the other characterization of them as a "culturally" Arabized Sudanese. To prove this, the long neglected aesthetic dimension as an essential component of culture is underlined. Challenging certain Arabocentric musical and literary discourses, the "Sudanese" nature of some aspects of Northern music and poetry is stressed. The concept "Sudanization" is adopted to define a historically ongoing key process which manifests itself in the arts. Also the term "specification" is used to describe alternative political and aesthetic discourses to define Sudanese identity such as the discourse of the Sudan People's Liberation Movement and other forces. 相似文献
86.
87.
This article provides a preliminary insight to the ideological revision of the two principle Islamist militant groups in Egypt, the Al-Gamaa Al-Islamiyya and Al-Jihad Al-Islami. Several leaders of these groups have taken steps to renounce violence and promote peace co-existence with the government and society. They have also repented and apologized for the past terror attacks in Egypt that led to the killing of many innocent civilians, government officials and tourists. In addition, they have gone to great lengths to counter and argue against Al Qaeda's violent ideology and to restrict its influence on the Muslim population. The ideological revision of these two groups reflects a significant shift in the efforts of the Egyptian authorities and community to address the problem of ideological extremism and terrorism in the country. 相似文献
88.
This study examines two theses used to explain Arab support of the 11 September attacks on the United States: clash of civilizations and anti-dominance reaction to perceived American hegemony in the Middle East. Huntington's clash-of-civilizations thesis has been widely challenged, but rarely tested on the basis of individual-level data. In this study data were obtained from a random sample consisting of 805 male and female respondents representing 7 Arab nations: Egypt, Iraq, Kuwait, Jordan, Lebanon, Syria, and Saudi Arabia. Results from structural equation modeling show strong support for the anti-dominance thesis and essentially no support for the clash-of-civilizations thesis. These findings suggest a lack of fit between “civilization” and political values contrary to what Huntington had originally posited. 相似文献
89.
Mohd Aslam Bhat 《亚洲事务》2013,44(3):467-483
The events of the so-called Arab Spring reconnected the young and their culture with images of organized political activism and resulted in huge political resonance. So this may be an appropriate point at which to reconsider the relevance of youth culture politics in the now-gone Soviet Union. The article explores the connections between cultural consumption by the young, ideology, and political ambivalence during Soviet times and considers how the Soviet genre of youth culture politics is being reproduced and continued in an extended form in the post-Soviet setting, specifically in Uzbekistan. 相似文献
90.