Preference for the Diversity Policy Label Versus the Affirmative Action Policy Label

Study 1 assessed associations with the labels “diversity policy” (DP) and “affirmative action policy” (AAP) and perceptions of potential policy components. Student and community participants (N = 143) completed a survey assessing associations with one of the policy labels. Both policies evoked similar associations such as “race/minorities” and “equality/equal opportunity,” but the AAP was more often associated with “bias/inequality/discrimination,” “unfairness,” and “racism/prejudice.” When rating potential policy components, reverse discrimination was considered more likely under the AAP. In Study 2 we explored the evaluation of equivalent policy components associated with different policy labels. Student participants (N = 126) rated the policy labeled as the DP more favorably than the AAP. Both studies suggest more favorable attitudes toward the DP label.     

Who Does Cohesion Benefit? Race,Gender, and Peer Networks Associated with Adolescent Depressive Symptoms

Journal of Youth and Adolescence - Adolescence is a developmental period when peer network structure is associated with mental health. However, how networks relate to distress for youth at...     

Prison Suicides in South Australia: 1996–2010

Forty‐eight deaths occurring in prisons in South Australia were identified between January 1996 and December 2010, including 25 cases of suicide (mean age = 37 years; median age = 34 years; age range = 24–70 years). Most suicides were due to hanging (23/25; 92.0%) with victims using bedding, belts, or shoelaces attached to cell shelves, air vents, doors, or other accessible projections. There were no suicides attributed to drug overdose or sharp force injury. Over a third of all suicides (39.1%) occurred during the first month of confinement, with 26.1% of cases occurring within the first week. There was one suicide reported after 2 years of imprisonment. Given that suicide in state prisons currently occurs at a rate approximately eight times that of the general South Australian community, it appears that the subset of incarcerated individuals represents a group in need of effective preventive strategies to enable more appropriate provisions of existing prisoner resources.     

Book notes

The Emergence of East Central European Parliaments: The First Steps edited by Attila Agh. Budapest: Hungarian Centre of Democracy Studies, 1994. Pp.306. NP. ISBN 963 7415 96 3

Nonviolent Struggle and the Revolution in East Germany by Roland Bleiker. Cambridge, MA: The Albert Einstein Institution, 1993. Pp.53. NP. ISBN 880813 07 6

The Russian Press from Brezhnev to Yeltsin: Behind the Paper Curtain by John Murray. Aldershot: Edward Elgar, 1994. Pp.280; index. £45 (hardback). ISBN 1 85278 885 2

A Voice for the Excluded by Matthias Stiefel and Marshall Wolfe. London: Zed Books, 1994. Pp.xciii + 265; index; references; four annexes. £39.95 (hardback); £15.95 (paperback). ISBN 1 85649 247 8 and 248 6

Democratization in Eastern Europe: Domestic and International Perspective edited by Geoffrey Pridham and Tatu Vanhanen. London: Routledge, 1994. Pp.xiv + 274; index. £40 (hardback); £12.99 (paperback). ISBN 0 415 11063 7 and 11064 5

Grasping the Democratic Peace by Bruce Russett. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1995. Pp.xi + 165; references; index. $13.95/£11.95 (paperback). ISBN 0 691 00164 2

Lobbying the European Union: Companies, Trade Associations and Interest Groups edited by R.H. Pedler and M.P.C.M. van Schendelen. Aldershot and Brookfield: Dartmouth, 1994. Pp.xii + 311. $59.95. ISBN 1 85521 609 4

The Victorious Incumbent: A Threat to Democracy? edited by Albert Somit, Rudolf Wildenmann, Bernhard Boll and Andrea Rommele. Aldershot and Brookfield: Dartmouth, 1994. pp.311; index; bibliography. £40 (hardback). ISBN 1 85521 515 4

Uncommon Opportunities: An Agenda for Peace and Equitable Development. UN International Commission on Peace and Food. London: Zed Books, 1994. Pp.210; index. $55 (hardback); $19.95 (paperback). ISBN 1 85649 305 9 and 306 7

The Resurgence of Central Asia: Islam or Nationalism? by Ahmed Rashid. London: Oxford University Press; Zed Books, 1994. Pp.278; index; bibliography; appendices. £36.95 (hardback); £14.95 (paperback) ISBN 1 85649 131 5 and 132 3

Greece and Europe in the Modern Period: Aspects of a Troubled Relationship edited by Philip Carabott. London: Centre for Hellenic Studies, King's College, 1995. Pp.xvi + 130. £8 (paperback). ISBN 1 897747 01 2     

Democracies only: When do IMF agreements serve as a seal of approval?

Conditional lending by the IMF is predicated, in part, on the belief that IMF programs are associated with increased capital inflows to participating countries. This belief is generally consistent with theoretical arguments in the academic literature (e.g., Bird and Rowlands 1997; Bordo et al. 2004) but the empirical literature often finds otherwise (e.g., Jensen 2004). This paper argues that the effect of IMF agreements on a country’s access to foreign direct investment (FDI) depends on its domestic institutions. Access to FDI depends on a country’s ability to credibly commit to implementation, and this ability varies systematically across regime type. The theory is empirically tested using a treatment effects model with a Markov transition in the treatment equation in a dataset covering 142 countries from 1976 to 2006. We find that in democracies IMF program participation has a strong positive effect on FDI inflows and in autocracies participation has a weak negative effect.     

Environmental effectiveness and economic consequences of fragmented versus universal regimes: what can we learn from model studies?

A post-2012 regime aimed at reducing greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions could develop towards a universal or fragmented regime. The fundamental difference between a universal and a fragmented regime is that the first involves a single comprehensive climate regime in which all countries participate, whereas the second involves either multiple treaties or a single treaty in which not all countries participate. This study assesses the literature on a wide range of different model studies concerning the environmental effectiveness and economic consequences of various universal and fragmented climate regimes. The most important conclusions (e.g. relative position of regions in terms of costs) are generally consistent across different studies, despite the differences in methodology. We conclude that stabilising GHG concentrations at low levels is more costly with a fragmented regime than with a universal regime, because reduction targets must be achieved by a smaller number of countries or because fragmented treaties may prevent reducing GHGs where it is cheapest to do so. However, establishing a universal regime will be challenging due to cost differences between regions if emissions are allocated based on specific allocation rules and incentives to free-ride on a universal regime. Even though alternative behaviours such as responsibility, the implementation of transfer schemes or exclusive membership can increase the likelihood of achieving a universal regime, a fragmented regime seems more feasible. Therefore, a transitional fragmented ‘coalition of the willing’ could be established first, which could provide the basis for a larger, universal regime in the long term.