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21.
Mona Lynch 《Law & social inquiry》2002,27(3):529-557
As a distinct class of criminals, sex offenders stand out as being particularly subject to the new "risk management" penal strategies that, according to a number of scholars, have come to dominate punishment rhetoric and practices in recent years. Nonetheless, the criminal justice policymaking that targets sex offenders appears to have a more emotionally based underside. In this paper, I examine the emotional drive that appears to undergird contemporary sex offender lawmaking, suggesting that a significant force propelling the current panoply of sex offender containment strategies is a constellation of emotional expressions of disgust, fear of contagion, and pollution avoidance, manifested in a legislative concern about boundary vulnerabilities between social spheres of the pure and the dangerous. To do so, I analyze the lawmaking discourse of U. S. legislators as they debated four proposed legislative bills directed at sex offenders during the late 1990s. 相似文献
22.
Godfrey V. Mona Russell H. Kaschula 《International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity》2018,13(1):113-128
IsiXhosa literary critics have not yet interrogated literature that was produced during and after the tenure of Thabo Mvuyelwa Mbeki as deputy president and president of the Republic of South Africa in order to study the impact of his African Renaissance doctrine. This article analyses poetry that was produced from 2005 to 2011. The content of the isiXhosa written poetry is profoundly influenced by the context of former President Mbeki's African Renaissance philosophy, its implementation structures and philosophy of self-confidence and self-reliance. The selected poems analysed and interpreted in this article suggest that Mbeki's legacy of the African Renaissance empowered poets to develop a narrative that advances the building of a regenerated South African nation and the African continent. Selected poetry of the period is contextualised, and the findings reveal that the poets have a dialectical relationship with historical developments of the time, and that they demonstrate acquiescence to the African Renaissance ideology, and support the operational structures created; namely African Union, Pan-African Parliament and the Vuk’uzenzele programme. 相似文献
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This study investigated whether interpersonal rejection sensitivity serves a mediating role between childhood sexual abuse (CSA) and three long-term psychological correlates of CSA in adult female survivors: depressive symptoms, anger suppression, and attenuated emotional expression. Interpersonal rejection sensitivity has been shown to be a risk factor for the development of depression and is elevated in CSA survivors. Similarly, attenuated emotional expression, particularly anger, has been related to adjustment difficulties in CSA survivors. Participants in this study were 355 female undergraduates, 34 of whom reported a history of CSA. Results demonstrated that interpersonal rejection sensitivity mediates the relationship between CSA and later depressive symptoms. Interpersonal rejection sensitivity partially mediated the relationship between CSA and anger suppression; however, it did not mediate the relationship between CSA and attenuated emotional expression. These results are examined within the context of the current literature on adult CSA survivors and their implications are discussed. 相似文献
25.
School building construction is on the rise nationwide and Texas has led the nation in outlays on school construction. We consider key factors that distinguish lease purchase revenue (LPR) bonds and general obligation (GO) bonds as debt instruments for financing school facilities in Texas. Our research shows that LPR bonds typically have a higher interest cost than GO bonds and they do not have any advantages over GO bonds in circumventing state restrictions on school district tax and debt authority. Voter approval requirements implicit in the state aid formulae supporting school bond repayments and the bond election requirements are however both less stringent in the case of LPR bonds than GO bonds. 相似文献
26.
Richard R. Lau David J. Andersen Tessa M. Ditonto Mona S. Kleinberg David P. Redlawsk 《Political Behavior》2017,39(1):231-255
This paper examines the effects of our modern media environment on affective polarization. We conducted an experiment during the last month of the 2012 presidential election varying both the choice of media sources available about the major presidential candidates, and the tone of political advertisements presented to subjects. We posit that voters in a high-choice, ideologically-diverse media environment will exhibit greater affective polarization than those in a “mainstream” ideologically neutral environment. We also hypothesize that subjects who are exposed to negative rather than positive political advertisements will show increased affective polarization. We provide causal evidence that the combination of a high-choice ideologically diverse media environment and exposure to negative political ads, significantly increases affective polarization. We also find that both overall information search and selective exposure to information are influenced by our experimental manipulations, with the greatest amount of search, and the most biased search, conducted by Romney supporters in the Negative Ads, Diverse Media condition. 相似文献
27.
Mona M. Lyne 《American journal of political science》2008,52(2):290-303
Despite its highly candidate-centered electoral law, recent studies have shown that Brazilian party leaders are more powerful, and Brazilian parties are more unified, than alleged by long-dominant scholarship. Examining post-War and contemporary democracy in Brazil, governed by the same federal legislative electoral law, this article provides a controlled test of the role of leadership and electoral law in driving party unity. The combination of leadership intervention to enforce unity, increased unity, and partisan tides in contemporary Brazil, in contrast to an absence of leadership intervention, lower unity, and no partisan tides in the post-War, provides strong support for the role of the leadership in generating unity, as emphasized in the collective action theory of party organization. The findings also suggest that a general theory of variation in party unity requires examining factors that lead to variation in party leaders' incentives to enforce unity, in addition to the current emphasis on backbenchers' incentives to defy the leadership. 相似文献
28.
Mona Oraby 《Law & society review》2018,52(3):574-602
A substantial scholarship has studied the extent to which states across the political and geographic spectrums rely on legal, bureaucratic, and judicial institutions to govern religion. However, a deeper inquiry into the mechanisms through which regulation occurs has yet been achieved. This article foregrounds conversion, understood as mobility between social groups in which belief and sincerity may figure but is not reducible to either, to observe these dynamics. Through an analysis of Egyptian jurisprudence on the right to change religion as well as interviews with complainants and litigators, the article challenges widespread assumptions about who and what constitute the regulatory field. It also shows how religious difference is produced in the legal‐bureaucratic encounter. By accounting for institutions that are not typically considered part of the regulatory field nor thought to be bound by the strictures of legal positivism, this article further occasions a rethinking of the public–private distinction within critiques of secularism. 相似文献
29.
Mona Lilja 《Asian Journal of Political Science》2013,21(3):289-309
When implementing democracy, local discourses of decision-making affect the ways in which the liberal democracy is comprehended, realized and practiced. One problem with the so-called ‘transition paradigm’ is then the neglect of local cultures and institutions and their impact on implemented democratic systems. Given this, the aim of the article is therefore to give a deep(er) understanding of the processes of change in implemented democracies through a close empirical reading of interviews with Cambodian politicians and non-governmental organizations (NGOs). A critical examination of the conditions in Cambodia reveals how liberal democracy is not only re-interpreted and hybridized but also occasionally resisted in line with the local discourses of power. 相似文献
30.