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排序方式: 共有163条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
51.
Pearson d'Estrée Tamra Fast Larissa A. Weiss Joshua N. Jakobsen Monica S. 《Negotiation Journal》2001,17(2):101-113
This essay outlines a conceptual framework for discussing success in interactive conflict resolution and in conflict resolution efforts more generally. It first proposes reasons why evaluation is crucial for improving practice. An overview of the new framework and its development are then presented. This gives the reader a window into its construction and some of the challenges of evaluation in conflict intervention processes. Next, the uses of the framework are explained as well as how its use helps to change the debate about successful processes. Finally, this article discusses how the theoretician, practitioner, and researcher-evaluator can use this framework for their own purposes, and how evaluating processes based upon their goals helps to improve the theory, practice, and research of the field. 相似文献
52.
Moritz Jesse 《European Law Journal》2011,17(2):172-189
The European Court of Justice's Förster judgment can lead to a reduction of legal uncertainty caused by integration requirements for third‐country nationals. The judgment has created a strong ‘assumption of integration’ after five years of legal residence because it equalised integration requirements for European students to access the welfare system of host Member States with a requirement of five years legal residence. Almost all pieces of European legal migration law also contain five‐year residence requirements after which the status of third‐country nationals improves. However, these improvements are mostly subjected to the fulfilment of additional integration requirements. To keep coherence with European law, courts will not be able to disregard the Förster‘assumption of integration’ when assessing the legality of integration conditions for third‐country nationals put in place in addition to residence requirements. 相似文献
53.
54.
Joshua N. Weiss 《Negotiation Journal》2015,31(3):211-222
Persuasion is undoubtedly a critical negotiation skill. But while the literature has examined its role in negotiation, few, if any, scholars or practitioners have offered a clear strategic framework for putting persuasion into negotiation practice. The ethos, pathos, and logos modes of persuasion elucidated by Aristotle in the fourth century B.C.E. provide a clear, understandable, and easy‐to‐apply framework that students and trainees can use to prepare for negotiation, to deploy during the negotiation process, and to conduct debriefings following a negotiation. In this article, I describe how to apply this Aristotelian framework and explain an additional dimension of persuasion in negotiation that I believe is also critical: timing. Through the real‐world example of Anwar Sadat and his trip to Jerusalem, I demonstrate how this framework has worked in practice. 相似文献
55.
J A Weiss 《Journal of policy analysis and management》1990,9(2):178-200
Between 1946 and 1963, federal officials sought to change the national practice of providing mental health care, away from state-run mental institutions and toward outpatient care based in local communities. These policy makers relied on two policy instruments, ideas and inducements. Both instruments contributed to unexpectedly significant changes in federal, state, and local policy. I conclude that a policy instrument framework helps to disentangle the strands of successful public management, and that it is useful to think of ideas as policy instruments that offer leverage on policy outcomes. 相似文献
56.
Police organizations must strategically control their external environment in order to maintain organizational legitimacy. Exploiting their relationship with the news media is one way to accomplish this goal effectively. Despite the documented importance of crime, justice, and social control as a news topic, there is a limited understanding of the variables driving how police and media evaluate this relationship. This study used data collected from a national sample of police media personnel to fill this gap, and concluded that the police and media valued their interdependent relationship, but for different reasons. Police public information officers recognize the power of the media and attempt to use this power to promote the organization. News personnel are satisfied because the police provide data so they can easily produce crime stories. The implications for understanding how police organizations control their external organization are discussed. 相似文献
57.
Bernhard König Manfred Burgstaller Eveline Artmann Gunther Gruber Reinhold Moritz Thomas Olechowski 《Juristische Bl?tter》2007,129(8):540-544
Ohne Zusammenfassung 相似文献
58.
Jeffrey H. Weiss 《Public Choice》1988,59(2):177-194
We first show that, in general, a majority-voting game with vote-selling will not have any equilibria. We then evaluate the desirability of vote-selling, using a rudimentary ‘theory of blocking trajectories.’ 相似文献
59.
Anita M. Weiss 《Women's studies international forum》1984,7(4):259-264
Women working in industry for the first time are trying to reconcile their old roles with the new economic context. This paper provides an inside view of the changes in some women's lives as a result of new work experiences. 相似文献
60.
Meredith L. Weiss 《亚洲研究》2016,48(1):77-99
A key part of what sustains electoral authoritarianism over the long term is genuine popular support. Dominant parties, particularly in a developmental context (the primary setting for such regimes), and especially where elections are more than minimally meaningful, curry performance legitimacy and loyalty not just through skewed rules and coercion, but through material incentives: “money politics.” If challengers can find a way to de-emphasize support based on material inducements, they stand a chance of securing gains via elections, rather than relying on economic downturns to shrink patronage coffers. Drawing on extensive original ethnographic and survey data from electoral-authoritarian Malaysia, I explore campaign finance and distributions on both sides in the latest, most regime-threatening general election, which was held on May 5, 2013. Evidence suggests that it was by disentangling clientelist networks from the patronage they so often serve to disseminate, allowing a focus on more programmatic than particularistic appeals, that the opposition Pakatan Rakyat alliance so nearly bested the long-dominant Barisan Nasional regime. Persona – being known and seen among the electorate – still matters as much as before, but relies less consistently than in the past on targeted patronage as a premise for loyalty. 相似文献