Social climate within an adolescent medium-secure facility

The objectives of the study were to investigate the social climate of two different types of units (open vs. secure) contained within the same South London adolescent medium-secure facility. Two hypotheses were generated: (a) adolescents would rate the social climate of the whole facility in a more negative direction than staff and (b) adolescents and staff would rate the social climate of the open units in a more positive direction than the social climate of the secure units. 43 adolescents and 49 staff members from the open units and the secure units were recruited and completed the Correctional Institutions Environment Scale (CIES), a measure of social climate. Overall, adolescents tended to rate the facility in a more negative direction. All participants rated the open units in a more positive direction than secure units. However, on selected subscales there were differences. The findings of this study suggest that adolescents and staff may perceive their shared social climate differently. This may have implications for those attempting to develop positive social climates within secure services.     

Possible applications of Y chromosome STRs in examination of abortion tissue

By application of Y-chromosomal STRs, DNA analysis of abortion material can be considerably facilitated since great excess of maternal DNA is tolerated without disturbing the Y-STR amplification. If paternity can't be excluded on the basis of the Y-STR haplotype, further examinations must follow, e.g. autosomal STR analysis. For this purpose, histological preparation of the abortion tissue might still be necessary. Different Y-chromosomal haplotypes of embryo and putative father usually lead to an exclusion from paternity. Based on four case examples, the feasibility of this method is discussed.     

Trade unions,nonneutrality and stagflation

The claim that in policy games nonneutrality and a stagflation bias emerge in equilibrium if the unions care about inflation, per se, is discussed. This assumption is shown to be not necessary to obtain a stagflation bias; the same applies to nonneutrality if a government acts in the economy. The question of whether unions should be envisaged as “institutions” (i.e., interested in variables unrelated to wages and employment) is also addressed. Two model-based alternatives providing “microeconomic” foundations versus “macroeconomic” foundations to unions' behaviour are presented. The conclusion is that the modelling of unions remains an unsettled problem.     

Harvests of shame: enduring unfree labour in the twentieth-century United States, 1933–1964

This article reframes the discussion on vulnerable and exploited agricultural labour in twentieth-century United States using the overarching category of unfree labour. In order to do so, it bridges two usually distinct historiographies by linking the phenomenon of ‘peonage’ during the New Deal, with the one of immigrant contract labour in southern Florida, under the H2 visa. Archival research on the practices at the U.S. Sugar Corporation in southern Florida illustrates this link. The article draws on Federal archives, U.S. Government proceedings, papers of political activists and legal and labour scholarship to argue: firstly, that unfree labour has been an enduring feature of agricultural labour relations at regional level during the twentieth century, through both a transmission and a transformation of practices that had their origin in the control of black emancipated labour; secondly, that the introduction of `guest workers’ under the H2 and Bracero programme meant a modernisation in the practices of unfree labour, pivoting on the lack of citizenship rights, racial discrimination, debt at home and threat of deportation; and, finally, that the failure to recognise forms of legal and economic deprivation and coercion as unfree labour has hurt the ability of the United States to enforce protection of human rights at home.     

The times they are a-changin’: party campaign strategies in the 2018 Italian election

Abstract

The 2018 Italian election produced striking results, with both a historic success for the two challenger parties (League and M5S) and massive defeats for the two mainstream parties (PD and FI). This article analyses party campaign strategies and their consistency with the opportunity structures provided by the configuration of Italian public opinion. Relying on issue-yield theory, original survey data were collected for both issue support and priority among Italian voters, and party emphases on issues in the electoral campaign – through Twitter data. The findings indicate a generalised ideological inconsistency of the constituencies of the main parties, while campaign strategies appear much more ideologically consistent. Moreover, it is found that parties focused mostly on conflict-mobilisation strategies, rather than on problem solving. Finally, the article shows that, in general, parties acted strategically, by aligning their campaign to the available opportunities, although with relevant variations across parties.