Shifting racial dynamics in the U.S. have heightened the salience of White racial identity, and a sense that Whites’ social status and resources are no longer secure. At the same time, the growing size of non-White populations has also renewed attention to skin color-based stratification and the potential blurring of racial boundaries. We theorize that Whites with darker skin will be motivated to protect the boundaries of Whiteness due to the loss of status they would face from blurring racial boundaries. Consistent with growing evidence of skin color’s importance for Whites, we demonstrate that darker-skinned Whites—measured via a light-reflectance spectrophotometer—identify more strongly with their White racial identity and are more likely to hold conservative political views on racialized issues than lighter-skinned Whites. Together, these findings offer new insights into the evolving meaning of race and color in American politics.
Much of the prior work on General Strain Theory (GST) has focused on how strain and negative emotions interrelate to produce
criminal—especially violent—activity. Very little research has extended GST to examine other types of non-criminal, negative
behavior, such as self-harming behaviors associated with disordered eating, a traditionally female-specific self-directed
outcome. Using a sample of 338 young adults (54% female, 95% white), this article applies GST to disordered eating by examining
how strain and negative emotions relate to this particular outcome across gender. Findings indicate that two types of strain
measures predict depressive symptoms among males and females, that inequitable strainful experiences relate to disordered
eating among females but not males, that depressive symptoms but not anger increase disordered eating for both males and females,
and that membership in Greek organizations (sororities or fraternities) is associated with disordered eating but only for
males. Implications for theory and directions for future research are highlighted. 相似文献
The current study examined concurrent and longitudinal predictors of early adolescents’ involvement in Internet aggression.
Cross-sectional results (N = 330; 57% female) showed that the likelihood of reporting Internet aggression was higher among youth who spent more time
using Internet-based technologies to communicate with friends and who were themselves targets of Internet aggression. Offline
relational aggression and beliefs supportive of relational and physical aggression also predicted concurrent involvement in
Internet aggression. We used longitudinal data (N = 150; 51% female) to distinguish between youth who were aggressive in traditional contexts only (i.e., school) from those
who were aggressive both online and offline. These results indicated that youth who were aggressive both online and offline
were older at the initial assessment, were targets of Internet aggression, and held beliefs more supportive of relational
aggression than youth who were aggressive offline only. Implications and directions for future research are discussed. 相似文献
This article assesses the internal dynamics of the cartel party model. It argues that a party's endeavour to increase its societal reach by opening membership boundaries while keeping candidate selection local (two tendencies ascribed to this model), and the general need to maintain party unity, are difficult to reconcile. Therefore a fully fledged cartel party is organisationally vulnerable, which reinforces its resort to selective benefits (i.e. political appointments, patronage) whenever in government to satisfy organisational demands, a trigger intensifying party–state relations which is usually overlooked. Further, the dominant view of the ascendancy of parties' 'public face' needs to be qualified: the Irish Fianna Fáil, with its permeable boundaries and local candidate selection, reflects the cartel party model without a cartel at the party system level. Majoritarian dynamics have forced Fianna Fáil repeatedly into opposition which reveals the following: Fianna Fáil as a cartel party can afford to neglect its infrastructure on the ground as long as it is controlling government resources. In opposition its leadership initiates reforms to reinvigorate the party's infrastructure since it is pressed to generate organisational support through other means than distributing benefits. 相似文献
<正>An African chamber of commerce in China is conducive to future Sino-Af ricancooperationIn the age of booming Sino-African relations,one question keeps popping up:Where is the ideal symbolic and practical representative of African commerce in China?It's a legitimate question.The Chinabased European Union(EU)Chamber of Commerce,American Chamber of 相似文献
Bile is, in certain cases, collected together with blood from different sites (heart, brain, femoral), urine and other organs or matrices. This study reports comparative results obtained from the analysis of blood and bile for different drugs found: acetaminophen, amphetamine and related compounds, several antidepressants, several benzodiazepines, cocaine and its metabolites, dextropropoxyphene and its metabolite, hydroxyzine, methadone and metabolite, morphine and codeine, levomepromazine, thioridazine, propranolol, tramadol and its metabolite. Several findings are presented: (1) There were no significant differences in the levels of the compounds among the samples of blood obtained from different sites. (2) Levels in bile are generally several fold higher than those in blood. The mean bile to blood ratios vary from about 1 (for acetaminophen, amphetamine) to about 2000 (for desmethylclobazam). (3) In certain cases (16 over 44), although the drug or its metabolite was not detected in blood from different sites, it was detected in bile. As other authors had advocated, it is very useful to ask the pathologist to take the gall bladder with its contents together with the other samples, in order that the sample of bile can be used in the comprehensive toxicological analysis and therefore be complementary to the other fluids or matrices. An additional advantage for using bile is that the concentrations of drugs or their metabolites are generally several fold higher than their blood concentrations. 相似文献
Experimental data useful for the interpretation of paint evidence recovered during burglary cases were obtained. A population study was carried out on 41 blue crowbars seized on suspects in Switzerland and 37 blue paints traces found at burglary scenes. Paint traces were also searched on the blades of 207 crowbars seized by the police in Switzerland and 24 white traces were analysed: these paints were analysed using infrared spectroscopy (FTIR) in order to estimate relative frequencies of each paint type. Simulated contacts were carried out between crowbars and painted wood in order to study the phenomenon of transfer and to evaluate the amount of paint transferred: a total of 198 simulations were carried out including individual, successive and cross transfer. The paint properties such as the chemical composition and its age influenced the amount of paint transferred. Cross transfer from the tool paint to the wood and vice versa was regularly observed. Moreover, secondary transfer of paint coming from the preceding wooden surfaces was also systematically observed: this could establish links between several burglary scenes and a suspected tool. A scenario of a burglary case involving the cross transfer between tool and household paints is proposed as a numerical example: the evaluation of such case was formalised using likelihood ratios based on the experimental data obtained. 相似文献
The chimera of modern biotechnology is defined broadly as a single organism composed of a mixture of materials from two or more organisms possessing distinct genetic backgrounds. Unlike the United States, which does not regulate chimeras directly, Canada has responded to the unregulated pursuit of chimera technology by banning certain chimeras as part of comprehensive legislation designed to regulate human reproductive technologies. In 2004, the Canadian Parliament passed the Assisted Human Reproduction Act despite criticism urging greater legislative justification for the Act's provisions and modification to it statutory definitions. Because current regulatory mechanisms in the United States, including patent law and administrative oversight, fail to regulate chimera technology, the United States should enact new legislation, using Canada's legislation as a model, to prohibit embryonic chimeras and to regulate other human-nonhuman combinations. Unregulated biotechnology threatens to disrupt legal and social institutions; therefore, the United States must make a balanced effort now to protect the public interest. 相似文献