首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   73437篇
  免费   3315篇
各国政治   4597篇
工人农民   3038篇
世界政治   6343篇
外交国际关系   3934篇
法律   36094篇
中国共产党   11篇
中国政治   765篇
政治理论   21027篇
综合类   943篇
  2021年   435篇
  2020年   1205篇
  2019年   1564篇
  2018年   1790篇
  2017年   2075篇
  2016年   2285篇
  2015年   1876篇
  2014年   2151篇
  2013年   10686篇
  2012年   1777篇
  2011年   1888篇
  2010年   1900篇
  2009年   2133篇
  2008年   1896篇
  2007年   1901篇
  2006年   2088篇
  2005年   1957篇
  2004年   1834篇
  2003年   1616篇
  2002年   1685篇
  2001年   1923篇
  2000年   1673篇
  1999年   1432篇
  1998年   1156篇
  1997年   1002篇
  1996年   996篇
  1995年   963篇
  1994年   972篇
  1993年   987篇
  1992年   1094篇
  1991年   1119篇
  1990年   1069篇
  1989年   1094篇
  1988年   1105篇
  1987年   1077篇
  1986年   1113篇
  1985年   1148篇
  1984年   1010篇
  1983年   1023篇
  1982年   912篇
  1981年   861篇
  1980年   680篇
  1979年   765篇
  1978年   611篇
  1977年   548篇
  1976年   502篇
  1975年   446篇
  1974年   467篇
  1973年   462篇
  1972年   406篇
排序方式: 共有10000条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
211.
212.
This article examines the impact of nongovernmental organization-sponsored contact and communication on fostering peaceful solutions to ethnic conflict via case studies of the activities of the Project on Ethnic Relations (PER) in Romania, Macedonia, Montenegro, Kosovo, and Serbia. It explores five operational principles that guide PER activity: creating credible, neutral forums for dialogue; maintaining momentum; working within political realities; encouraging indigenous solutions from within existing processes; and acting with the backing of powerful states. These principles explain PER's success as a "weak mediator" of ethnic conflicts. According to this analysis, PER also exhibits organizational characteristics that contribute to success, including nonpartisanship, area expertise and extensive networks of local contacts, and an ability to secure the trust of local actors.
A significant indicator of the success of PER activities is the establishment by conflicting parties of institutionalized mechanisms for addressing their differences. Contrary to the view that electoral competition contributes to conflict, this study finds that the possibility of achieving an electoral advantage by participating cooperatively in conflict resolution activities creates incentives for local actors to recognize opportunities offered by PER activities and leads local actors to heed PER's advice. Finally, the article offers a cautionary observation. While PER's perceived influence with major international actors may contribute to its local successes, once a state actor with the power to impose a solution has committed itself to ending a conflict, its preferences outweigh any local interests in determining the outcome and renders the efforts of a "weak mediator" such as PER irrelevant.  相似文献   
213.
214.
215.
本文分析了英国近来的一些案例,介绍了英国在采取非诉方法解决争议方面的最新发展,强调了法院在一些案件中的态度.  相似文献   
216.
217.
218.
Efforts to promote and impose Mandarin Chinese as the language of instruction in ethnic minority schools in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, aimed at further integrating the state and raising regional educational and economic quality, have had mixed success. The 2004 plan to consolidate Han Chinese and minority elementary and middle schools and to make Mandarin the universal language of instruction in those schools is fostering an immersive second-language environment without prior preparation for students, bringing native speakers of Mandarin into unfair competition with non-native speakers. The increased focus on Mandarin has already had grave consequences for ethnic relations, especially in urban Uyghur schools, where the project is focused, while the mandate for change in educational curriculum and methodology has also been poorly planned and remains under-resourced, negatively impacting educational quality. The Chinese government has available to it other language policy solutions that are both more workable and friendlier to minority sensibilities.  相似文献   
219.
220.
Canada's imprisonment rate has not changed appreciably since 1960. This stability contrasts with the increased imprisonment rates experienced by Canada's most obvious comparators—the United States and England and Wales. We examine this divergence and propose several interrelated explanations for Canada's anomalous pattern. While Canada is shown not to be immune to pressure for harsher practices and policies, it has been able to counter or balance these trends with other more moderating forces. In particular, we suggest that Canadians have largely been able to escape several of the wider forces or "risk factors" at the root of higher incarceration in other countries. Further, we suggest that certain protective factors of a historical, cultural, and structural nature can also be identified that have limited the extent to which Canada has adopted the same punitive policies documented in the United States and England and Wales.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号