Deaths,Interventions, Humanitarianism and Human Rights in the Mediterranean ‘Migration Crisis’

Recent declarations of ‘crises’ in the Mediterranean have been distinctly humanitarian, being linked to human deaths and suffering. The growing emphasis on humanitarianism and human rights has coexisted with a continued security rationale, as the three discourses work together in the governance of EUrope’s borders and in ongoing struggles over movement and control.     

Confidence-Building Measures in Eurasian Conflicts: New Roles for the OSCE’s Economic and Environmental Dimension in Easing East-West Tensions†

Western-Russian relations are inarguably at their worst of the post-Cold War era. The Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) remains a key international forum for multilateral engagement. Part of the OSCE’s uniqueness is its formation around three dimensions of security, which constitute its comprehensive security. The Economic and Environmental (EED) is the most overlooked yet, as this paper demonstrates, also possesses substantial capacity for easing some tensions. Through, first, an analysis of the place of EED in the OSCE, and thus between the West and Russia, the article establishes potentialities for cooperation. Second, it identifies lack of support, most notably among Western governments, rather than post-Soviet, and the place of EED activities in post-Soviet states. Third, the article pinpoints unexpected but very real forms of cooperation in the EED in the protracted post-Soviet conflicts of Transnistria-Moldova and Abkhazia-Georgia, which can establish trust between parties with the potential to expand confidence-building further. The article concludes by calling for further use of the EED, in a time when it remains underestimated but of unexpected – and essential – value for confidence-building.     

Human-provided waters for desert wildlife: what is the problem?

Conflict persists in southwestern deserts of the United States over management of human-constructed devices to provide wildlife with water. We appraised decision processes in this case relative to the goal of human dignity and by the standards of civility and common interest outcomes. Our analysis suggested that conflict was scientized, rooted in worldviews, and aggravated by use of inflammatory symbols such as “wilderness” and “bighorn sheep.” Contested problem definitions, framed as matters of science, advanced factional interests largely by allocating the burden of proof and failing to disclose private concerns about well-being, affection, respect, skill and power. Decision processes were shaped by precepts of scientific management, and thus largely failed to foster civility, common ground, and a focus on common interests, and instead tended to exacerbate deprivations of dignity and respect. If the status quo continues, we foresee further erosion of human dignity because there are likely to be increases in system stressors, such as climate change and human population growth. The prognosis would be more hopeful if alternatives were adopted that entailed authoritative, equitable, and collaborative public decision-making processes that took into consideration national-level common interests such as the U.S. Endangered Species Act.     

What is adaptation to climate change? Epistemic ambiguity in the climate finance system

Over the past decade developed states have committed significant public financing for climate change adaptation. Much of this public financing flows through international development organizations. States have delegated the implementation and monitoring of adaptation to existing international organizations such as the World Bank, the United Nations Development Programme, and the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. Scholars have noted that states delegate discretion to specialized organizations to perform a task on their behalf, but have not explored how uncertainties about the nature of the task affect delegation. This article addresses this gap by distinguishing the concept of epistemic ambiguity (when states are uncertain about the exact nature of a task) from strategic ambiguity (when states do not reach consensus over a task due to political differences) in order to address the question: how have states and international organizations defined and implemented adaptation activities? The question is answered through case studies of: (1) adaptation projects administered by the United Nations Development Programme and the International Organization for Migration in Kenya; and (2) states’ and international organizations’ attempts to develop methodologies for reporting adaptation financing. The case studies are based on: primary documents published by states and international organizations, secondary literature on climate finance, and interviews with adaptation experts. This article argues that states have not precisely defined adaptation, and that this is substantially due to epistemic ambiguity. It then identifies two consequences of epistemic ambiguity: a proliferation of activities labelled as adaptation, and difficulties tracking and monitoring adaptation assistance.     

Examining general strain: Using subjective and objective measures of academic strain to predict delinquency

General Strain Theory (GST) places importance on the experience of negative emotional states resulting from exposure to stressful and/or negative events. Subsequent research has suggested that identifying strain might be contingent upon the use of objective or subjective measures of strain, and that the types of delinquent outcomes assessed might mediate the significance of the findings. Using a sample of nontraditional high school students, this study examines whether objective or subjective measures of academic strain will explain involvement in both substance use (e.g., alcohol, tobacco, and other drugs) or delinquent offending. We conclude with results and policy implications.     

Does Associational Involvement Spur Political Integration? Political Interest and Participation of Three Immigrant Groups in Zurich

This article looks at the determinants of the political integration of migrants at the local level, focusing on two dimensions of political integration: political interest (attitudinal dimension) and political participation (behavioral dimension). Based on a representative survey among Italians, Kosovars, and Turks in the city of Zurich, we tested the thesis advanced by the social capital approach which posits a link between membership in voluntary associations and political integration. Our findings suggest that membership in voluntary associations favors the political integration of the three groups under investigation. Furthermore, we find an impact of both ethnic and cross‐ethnic membership. However, while the effect of associational involvement on the behavioral dimension of political integration is strong and consistent across national groups, the attitudinal dimension displays a weaker and differential impact. Political attitudes and socio‐demographic characteristics play a less important role, except for the effect of the former on political interest, and also tend to have a differential impact on the three groups.     

Trapping Constituents or Winning Hearts and Minds? Rebel Strategies to Attain Constituent Support in Sri Lanka

Why do rebels choose violence over non-violent methods to attain the cooperation of their constituency in the war against the government? This article assesses the importance of rebels' dependency on constituent support through a case study of the LTTE in Sri Lanka. The empirical findings suggest that dependency largely results in non-violent measures. However, a multitude of passive coercion methods – broadly unaccounted for by existing theory – evolve over time in the form of territorial and social entrapments. This implies that rebels do not need the hearts and minds of their people to wage war at later stages of conflict. Time pressure, however, appears to result in violence.     

Book reviews

This article addresses the concern that democratization may contribute to the reproduction of neo-patrimonialism, rather than to counteract it. The article reports the result of a survey among members of parliament in Ghana regarding their election campaigns. Total spending, sources of funds, and their usage are analysed in the context of the consolidation of liberal democracy. The survey results are supplemented with data collected in 34 interviews with MPs. The data show that MPs are involved in patron-client relationships to a significant degree to reproduce their political power. Furthermore, the prevalence of patronage politics among MPs in Ghana has increased throughout the period of democratic rule. This persistent pattern of patronage politics threatens the very heart of democratic consolidation. Vertical accountability and legitimacy is threatened by alternative pacts of loyalty, expectations of corruption, and tendencies to delegative mandates. Horizontal accountability risks pervasion by 'big man' interventions, and by insufficient allocation of time to monitoring the government and legislative activities.     

我国政府公信力提升的制度因素及对策思考

政府公信力是政府的执政基础,体现着政府执政的合法性和执政能力.政府公信力包括自信和他信两个维度.笔者认为我国政府公信力提升的主要障碍是行政权力分配不够合理、公共政策过程不够科学、民主参与制度不够规范、权力监督制度不够完善、信息公开制度不够完备以及问责机制不够健全.政府公信力的提升有赖于国家各项制度的健全与发展,因此,必须在加强民主制度建设、建立合理分权制度、完善信息公开制度、加强监督制度、改进管理制度等方面下功夫.