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Much of the relevant literature on Africa downplays the salience of elections for policy-making and implementation. Instead, the importance of factors such as clientelism, ethnicity, organized interest groups, and donor influence, is emphasized. We argue that, in addition, elections now motivate political elites to focus on policies they perceive to be able to gain votes. This is based on analyses of six landmark decisions made during the last 15 years in the social, productive, and public finance sectors in Tanzania and Uganda. Such policies share a number of key characteristics: they are clearly identifiable with the party in power; citizens are targeted countrywide; and policy implementation aims at immediate, visible results. 相似文献
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RI Birkler R Telving O Ingemann-Hansen AV Charles M Johannsen MF Andreasen 《Forensic science international》2012,222(1-3):154-161
An ultra-performance liquid chromatography time-of-flight mass spectrometry (UPLC-TOF-MS) method for simultaneous screening of 46 medicinal drugs and drugs of abuse in whole blood was developed and validated. The method includes most of the commonly used and abused drugs such as amphetamines, cocaine, benzodiazepines, and opioids. Chromatographic separation of the targeted drugs was achieved using a Waters ACQUITY UPLC coupled to a Waters Micromass LCT Premier XE time-of-flight mass spectrometer. The total chromatographic run time was 13.5min injection to injection. The estimated method LOQ is in the range of 0.06-27ng/g, which is below the therapeutic levels for each of the drugs analyzed but LSD. The extraction recovery ranged from 6% to 197% with median value 95% and mean value 82%. Matrix effect ranged from 81% suppression to 29% enhancement of the signals compared to signals obtained in the absence of biological matrix. The method was tested on 55 authentic forensic toxicology samples confirming the same positive results as found using the routine analytical procedures as well as some additional compounds. Recently there has been considerable attention paid to drug-facilitated sexual assault and the toxicological findings in these cases. As part of a pilot study to investigate the prevalence of medicinal drugs, drugs of abuse, and alcohol in victims of alleged sexual assault, biological specimens were obtained from 167 victims being examined at the Sexual Assault Center in Aarhus, Denmark. The obtained blood samples were analyzed using the novel screening method supported by additional analyses for e.g. THC and alcohol. 124 victims reported they have been drinking alcohol prior to the assault (74%). Alcohol analyses revealed 59 positive findings (48%). 35 of the cases were found positive for one or more drugs excluding alcohol (21%). 20 of the victims reported they have been subject to a drug-facilitated sexual assault (12%). For the victims suspecting drug-facilitated sexual assault, the toxicological analyses revealed four positive for alcohol and nine victims were positive for one or more drugs, with six of the victims found positive for benzodiazepines or other drugs with sedative effects. It was notable that victims tested positive for medicinal drugs and drugs of abuse as well as victims of alleged drug-facilitated sexual assault in average underwent medical examination later than the whole study population. 相似文献
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Ole Johan Andersen 《Scandinavian political studies》2004,27(1):1-21
The article focuses on new forms of governance involving partnerships between public and private actors. As several scholars have noticed, organisational hybrids at the intersection of the public and private sectors play an important part in the implementation of collective action. Local economic development in particular has provided a fertile ground for building coalitions across traditional divisions, and encouraging partnerships. This applies to Norway as well as to other liberal Western democracies.
Obviously, the formation of partnerships reflects efforts to design more efficient and flexible instruments for founding new firms and for supporting local entrepreneurs. The article, however, raises the question of whether these arrangements may entail a far more expanded role and domain, opening up new channels for participation and mobilisation. By expanding their agenda and integrating new segments of the local community, public–private partnerships appear to be an innovation in local democracy.
Analytically, the article utilises elements of regime theory. Although the partnerships studied hardly constitute stable coalitions dominating local politics, they nevertheless illustrate how the building of coalitions including both private and public actors is crucial to coping with the problems and challenges of local restructuring and revitalisation. Case studies carried out in Norwegian municipalities provide the main empirical source. The article does, however, build on experience from other European countries. 相似文献
Obviously, the formation of partnerships reflects efforts to design more efficient and flexible instruments for founding new firms and for supporting local entrepreneurs. The article, however, raises the question of whether these arrangements may entail a far more expanded role and domain, opening up new channels for participation and mobilisation. By expanding their agenda and integrating new segments of the local community, public–private partnerships appear to be an innovation in local democracy.
Analytically, the article utilises elements of regime theory. Although the partnerships studied hardly constitute stable coalitions dominating local politics, they nevertheless illustrate how the building of coalitions including both private and public actors is crucial to coping with the problems and challenges of local restructuring and revitalisation. Case studies carried out in Norwegian municipalities provide the main empirical source. The article does, however, build on experience from other European countries. 相似文献
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Ole Borre 《Scandinavian political studies》2000,23(4):285-309
Indicators of political alienation – distrust in politicians and dissatisfaction with democracy – in the Danish electorate are associated with specific issue positions, economic grievances, and voting for parties with little influence on government policies. Of critical importance are issues in which cosmopolitan values in the political elite confront various kinds of nationalist or isolationist values in the mass public. Thus, during the 1970s and 1980s, distrust and dissatisfaction with democracy were concentrated among NATO and EU opponents on the left. From 1990 on, the emergent issues of refugees and immigration have generated a new basis of alienation on the right, especially after the change from Conservative to Social Democratic government leadership in 1993. Policy distance from the government on EU and on immigration policies constitutes the two major components of political alienation in the 1990s. 相似文献
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Ole Helby Petersen Kurt Houlberg Lasse Ring Christensen 《Public administration review》2015,75(4):560-570
Governments face a fundamental choice between in‐house production and contracting out for the delivery of services to citizens. This article examines the importance of ideology, fiscal pressure, and size for contracting out in technical and social services. The analysis builds on a panel data set covering municipal spending on services in all 98 Danish municipalities. The authors find that contracting out is shaped by ideology in social services but not in technical services, which indicates that social services are the contemporary ideological battlefield of privatization. The analysis further reveals that economically prosperous municipalities are more likely to contract out social services, whereas contracting out of technical services is not influenced by economic affluence. Finally, larger municipalities contract out more in technical services but less in social services, demonstrating that the size effect is contingent on the transaction cost characteristics of the service. 相似文献