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951.
952.
Ronald D. Brunner 《Policy Sciences》2010,43(4):301-341
This article expands research on adaptive governance in natural resource and climate change policy into other policy areas
and the larger context of reform. The purpose is to clarify adaptive governance as a reform strategy, one that builds on experience
in a variety of emergent responses to the growing failures of scientific management, the established pattern of governance.
Emergent responses in information technology, national security, development aid, and health care policy are reviewed here.
In these cases, factoring a large national or international problem into many smaller problems, each more tractable scientifically
and politically, opened additional opportunities for advancing common interests on the ground. The opportunities include simplification
of research through intensive inquiry, participation in policy decisions by otherwise neglected groups, and selecting what
works on the basis of practical experience rather than theory. What works can be improved incrementally in the context at
hand, diffused through networks for voluntary adaptation elsewhere, and used to inform higher-level decisions from the bottom
up. Adaptive governance is a promising strategy of reform. The open question is whether it will be used well enough to sustain
a once-progressive evolution toward fuller realization of human dignity for all. 相似文献
953.
This article examines the relationship between foreign direct investment and host countries’ contracting institutions, the
rule systems which govern commercial transactions between private actors. Given their liability of foreignness and costly
exit options, we suggest that multinational corporations have incentives to influence the formal contracting environment in
host countries. Further, host governments are more likely to respond to multinationals’ wishes when they are more dependent
on foreign capital markets. We draw on the World Bank’s Lex Mundi dataset (Djankov et al. 2003) on micro-level contracting environment for private actors. Our analysis of a cross section of 98 developing countries suggests
that FDI is associated with lower contract enforcement costs, particularly when the host country is more indebted. 相似文献
954.
955.
956.
Spencer Piston 《Political Behavior》2010,32(4):431-451
Some commentators claim that white Americans put prejudice behind them when evaluating presidential candidates in 2008. Previous
research examining whether white racism hurts black candidates has yielded mixed results. Fortunately, the presidential candidacy
of Barack Obama provides an opportunity to examine more rigorously whether prejudice disadvantages black candidates. I also
make use of an innovation in the measurement of racial stereotypes in the 2008 American National Election Studies survey,
which yields higher levels of reporting of racial stereotypes among white respondents. I find that negative stereotypes about
blacks significantly eroded white support for Barack Obama. Further, racial stereotypes do not predict support for previous
Democratic presidential candidates or current prominent Democrats, indicating that white voters punished Obama for his race
rather than his party affiliation. Finally, prejudice had a particularly large impact on the voting decisions of Independents
and a substantial impact on Democrats but very little influence on Republicans. 相似文献
957.
Arthur A. Berger 《Society》2010,47(1):6-10
This paper argues that it is impossible to know why we laugh. There are a number of theories that attempt to explain why we
laugh but they all have limitations. It is possible, however, to know what makes us laugh and 45 techniques that inform humor
are listed and used to analyze a number of humorous texts. These techniques can also be used to study the humor of different
nations to determine which they favor and which they neglect, thus offering insights into national character. 相似文献
958.
Matthew S. Levendusky 《Political Behavior》2010,32(1):111-131
Scholars typically argue that elite polarization has only negative consequences for American politics. I challenge this view
by demonstrating that elite polarization, by clarifying where the parties stand on the issues of the day, causes ordinary
voters to adopt more consistent attitudes. Scholars have made such claims in the past, but because only observational data
has been available, demonstrating a cause-and-effect relationship has proven to be difficult. I use original experiments to
verify that there is a small but significant causal link between elite polarization and voter consistency. These findings
have important normative implications for our understanding of the consequences of elite polarization, the role of political
parties in a modern democracy, and the standards scholars use to assess citizen competence and participation. 相似文献
959.
Christina Suthammanont David A. M. Peterson Chris T. Owens Jan E. Leighley 《Political Behavior》2010,32(2):231-253
Drawing from group theories of race-related attitudes and electoral politics, we develop and test how anxiety influences the
relative weight of prejudice as a determinant of individuals’ support for racial policies. We hypothesize that prejudice will
more strongly influence the racial policy preferences of people who are feeling anxious than it will for people who are not.
Using an experimental design we manipulate subjects’ levels of threat and find significant treatment effects, as hypothesized.
We find that individuals’ racial policy attitudes are partially conditional on their affective states: individuals who feel
anxious report less support for racial policies than those individuals who do not feel anxious, even when this threat is stimulated
by non-racial content. More broadly, we conclude that affect is central to a better understanding of individuals’ political
attitudes and behaviors. 相似文献
960.
Tiffany C. Davenport 《Political Behavior》2010,32(3):337-368
Low turnout among the urban poor has implications for democratic representation. The fact that turnout among the economically
disadvantaged is especially low in municipal elections means that citizens most in need of services provided at the local
level may not be represented in policy decisions that affect their daily lives. This paper reports the results of an experiment
that compares the effects of two voter mobilization interventions: traditional canvassing appeals and face-to-face exchanges
in which canvassers distribute a feedback intervention consisting of printed records of individual voter histories. In contrast
to previous studies, this experiment measures the effectiveness of using social pressure to mobilize turnout among relatively
infrequent voters in a low salience election. The campaign was implemented by a credible tenant advocacy organization within
the context of a municipal election; the sample consisted of registered voters in two Boston public housing developments.
I find that the feedback intervention dramatically increased voter turnout. Turnout among those reached by canvassers with
voter histories was approximately 15–18 percentage points higher than turnout in the control group, an effect that is approximately
10 percentage points larger in magnitude than that of standard face-to-face mobilization. 相似文献