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41.
Astrid H. M. Nordin Graham M. Smith Raoul Bunskoek Chiung-chiu Huang Yih-jye Hwang Patrick Thaddeus Jackson 《Cambridge Review of International Affairs》2019,32(5):570-581
AbstractWhat is ‘relational theorizing’ in International Relations and what can it offer? This article introduces a thematic section that responds to these questions by showing two things. First, relational theorizing is not a doctrine or a method, but a set of analyses that begin with relations rather than the putative essences of constitutively autonomous actors. Second, relational theorizing has emerged from different geo-linguistic traditions, and a relational approach to International Relations (IR) can offer the language and space for increased and productive engagement beyond Anglophone scholarship. This thematic section takes a significant step in this direction by staging a dialogue between Sinophone and Anglophone scholarship on relational IR theorizing. Such an engagement shows points of comparison and contrast, convergence and divergence. In this way, the essays presented here contribute to developing a more ‘global’ IR. 相似文献
42.
Anthony L. Burrow Amanda C. O’Dell Patrick L. Hill 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2010,39(11):1265-1273
While having a purpose in life has been theorized as a developmental asset, the extent to which adolescents cultivate a meaningful
sense of direction is not well understood. In the present study, cluster analysis was used to classify adolescents by levels
of purpose exploration and commitment. The sample (N = 318; 55% female) consisted of youth aged 14–18 and was predominantly White/non-Hispanic (76.3%). Results supported four
meaningful yet distinguishable profiles of youth purpose that are largely consistent with theories on identity formation:
Achieved, Foreclosed, Uncommitted, and Diffused. Hypothesized linkages with affect and hope were established across the profiles
such that positive emotions and goal-directed thinking were most apparent among Achieved and Foreclosed youth and least apparent
among Diffused and Uncommitted youth. Overall, findings demonstrate the inherent complexity in adolescents’ engagement with
purpose and suggest a correspondence between stronger commitments to purpose and youths’ sense of personal agency and well-being. 相似文献
43.
Chrik Poortman, an international civil servant, worked for the World Bank for more than three decades. This profile uses his career and experiences to illustrate the functions and roles played by World Bank staff at each level of its "flat" hierarchy and the capacities needed to face challenges that are unique to their ilk. Each section explores a different range of functions, including working as a country director, working as a vice president, and working as a member of the World Bank's senior management team. 相似文献
44.
In this paper, we examine whether the impact of negative advertising on citizens’ evaluations of candidates depends on the
gender of the candidates. Given common gender stereotypes, we expect negative campaigning aimed at women candidates will affect
citizens differently than negative campaigning against male candidates. The results of our study, derived from a survey experiment
conducted on a nationwide sample of more than 700 citizens, demonstrate that negative commercials are less effective at depressing
evaluations of woman candidates, compared to male candidates. The findings are consistent and strong, across a range of forces
that people use to assess competing candidates (i.e., affect and trait evaluations, people’s beliefs about issues, anticipated
vote choice). The tight control of the experimental design, including randomization of respondents into different conditions
that vary in only one way, demonstrates that the gender of the candidate influences people’s reactions to different types
of negative commercials.
相似文献
Patrick J. KenneyEmail: |
45.
Patrick J. Egan 《American journal of political science》2020,64(3):699-716
Political science generally treats identities such as ethnicity, religion, and sexuality as “unmoved movers” in the chain of causality. I hypothesize that the growing salience of partisanship and ideology as social identities in the United States, combined with the increasing demographic distinctiveness of the nation's two political coalitions, is leading some Americans to engage in a self-categorization and depersonalization process in which they shift their identities toward the demographic prototypes of their political groups. Analyses of a representative panel data set that tracks identities and political affiliations over a 4-year span confirm that small but significant shares of Americans engage in identity switching regarding ethnicity, religion, sexual orientation, and class that is predicted by partisanship and ideology in their pasts, bringing their identities into alignment with their politics. These findings enrich and complicate our understanding of the relationship between identity and politics and suggest caution in treating identities as unchanging phenomena. 相似文献
46.
Jean Turgeon Patrick Sabourin 《Canadian public administration. Administration publique du Canada》1996,39(2):192-212
Sommaire: Depuis le début des années 1990, le système de santé québécois, comme celui des autres provinces, subit de profonds changements. lis se concrétisent sous la forme d'une reconfiguration majeure du système lui-meme, des services qu'il dispense et des structures qui le composent. L'article s'interesse a ce dernier aspect, plus particulierement sous l' angle des regroupements interétablissements. II appert que la Loi sur les services de santé et les services sociaux (1991, chap. 42) a bouleversé la configuration structurelle du réseau en forcant l'unification horizontale de plusieurs types d'établissements, tels les centres d'hébergement de soins de longue durée et les centres de réadaptation. Plus récemment, la décentralisation fonctionnelle accrue au profit des régies régionales de la santé et des services sociaux (rrsss), jumelée à l'annonce de compressions budgétaires sans précédent, a donné un second souffle à cette reconfiguration de structures. Une enquete a été menée a l'hiver 1995. Elle révèle qu'à ce moment, en plus des regroupements deja prévus dans la loi, un peu plus de 110 établissements socio-sanitaires, dont 60 centres hospitaliers, étaient également impliqués dans divers projets de regroupements allant de l'entente de services a la fusion. Depuis le printemps 1995, certaines rrsss étudient l' option des intégrations ou des fusions verticales, qui impliquent des établissements de mission différente. Or, une revue de la littérature démontre que l' efficacité et l' efficience de ces options ne sont pas clairement démontrées dans le secteur des soins de santé et qu'il vaudrait mieux envisager des formes moins contraignantes (partenariats, ententes de services, etc.) permettant de s'apprivoiser avant de songer au mariage. Abstract: Since the early 1990s, the Quebec health-care system, as those in other provinces, has undergone major changes. These changes involved a major reconfiguration of the system itself - its services and its structures. This article describes this reconfiguration and focuses on one particular aspect: the integration of services. The Health and Social Services Act, 1991 (c. 42) created havoc in the configuration of the system by imposing horizontal integration of several types of services, such as those of long-term care facilities and rehabilitation centres. More recently, this growing delegation in favour of the Regional Health and Social Services Boards (rhssbs) together with the announcement of unprecedented budget cuts, has led to further restructuring. A survey carried out during the winter of 1995 showed that 120 health-care establishments, including 60 hospitals, were involved in inter-establishment relationship projects, ranging from service agreements to mergers. Since the spring of 1995, some rhssbs have been studying the option of integration or of vertical mergers, i.e., how to integrate facilities with different services. However, a review of the literature shows that the effectiveness and efficiency of these options has not yet been clearly proven in the health-care sector, and that it would be wiser to consider, as a first stage, less constraining relationships (e.g., partnerships, service agreements, etc.) as a way of testing compatibility before getting involved in permanent partnerships. 相似文献
47.
Had Rousseau not been centrally concerned with freedom, some of the structural features of his political thought would be unaccountable. Above all, the notion of general will would not have become the core of his political philosophy. Rousseau's reasons for using 'general will' as his central political concept were essentially philosophical. The two terms of general will - 'will' and 'generality' - represent two main strands in his thought. 'Generality' stands for the rule of law, for civic education that draws us out of ourselves and towards the general (or common) good. 'Will' stands for Rousseau's conviction that civil association is 'the most voluntary act in the world', that 'to deprive your will of all freedom is to deprive your actions of all morality'. And if one could 'generalize' the will, so that it 'elects' only law, citizenship, and the common good, and avoids 'willful' self-love, then one would have a general will in Rousseau's particular sense. The distinctiveness of Rousseau's general will is further brought out through a comparison with Kant's 'good will' about which Rousseau would have felt severe doubts. 相似文献
48.
We show that temporal, spatial, and dyadic dependencies amongobservations complicate the estimation of covariance structuresin panel databases. Ignoring these dependencies results in covarianceestimates that are often too small and inferences that may bemore confident about empirical patterns than is justified bythe data. In this article, we detail the development of a nonparametricapproach, window subseries empirical variance estimators (WSEV),that can more fully capture the impact of these dependencieson the covariance structure. We illustrate this approach ina simulation as well as with a statistical model of internationalconflict similar to many applications in the international relationsliterature. 相似文献
49.
Patrick Hanafin 《Feminist Legal Studies》2006,14(3):329-352
This article examines how the recently introduced law on assisted reproduction in Italy, which gives symbolic legal recognition
to the embryo, came about, and how a referendum, which would have repealed large sections of it, failed. The occupation of
the legal space by the embryo is the outcome of a crusade by a well-organised alliance of theo-conservatives. These groups
see in reproductive medicine an uncontrolled interference with their notion of the natural order of things. Such a worldview
requires a total ban on stem cell research, limitation of access to reproductive technologies and repressive laws to govern
the area. This conservative dream scenario has come closer to being realised by the introduction of a law doing all of these
things in the name of the protection of “Life”. In the case of this law, the “life” to be protected is the embryo. In the
name of “Life”, scientific advances and individual liberty have been curbed. The politics of embryo citizenship is a politics
which values the yet to come over the here and now, purgation over pleasure, and the transcendent over the material. 相似文献
50.