全文获取类型
收费全文 | 223篇 |
免费 | 3篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 9篇 |
工人农民 | 7篇 |
世界政治 | 8篇 |
外交国际关系 | 12篇 |
法律 | 122篇 |
中国政治 | 1篇 |
政治理论 | 66篇 |
综合类 | 1篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 1篇 |
2021年 | 4篇 |
2020年 | 4篇 |
2019年 | 8篇 |
2018年 | 2篇 |
2017年 | 10篇 |
2016年 | 5篇 |
2015年 | 5篇 |
2014年 | 11篇 |
2013年 | 20篇 |
2012年 | 11篇 |
2011年 | 7篇 |
2010年 | 3篇 |
2009年 | 1篇 |
2008年 | 8篇 |
2007年 | 6篇 |
2006年 | 8篇 |
2005年 | 5篇 |
2004年 | 6篇 |
2003年 | 9篇 |
2002年 | 5篇 |
2001年 | 3篇 |
2000年 | 7篇 |
1999年 | 2篇 |
1998年 | 2篇 |
1997年 | 3篇 |
1996年 | 2篇 |
1994年 | 3篇 |
1993年 | 2篇 |
1992年 | 7篇 |
1991年 | 4篇 |
1990年 | 2篇 |
1989年 | 2篇 |
1988年 | 2篇 |
1987年 | 3篇 |
1986年 | 17篇 |
1985年 | 12篇 |
1984年 | 2篇 |
1983年 | 1篇 |
1982年 | 1篇 |
1981年 | 1篇 |
1979年 | 1篇 |
1978年 | 1篇 |
1977年 | 1篇 |
1976年 | 2篇 |
1971年 | 2篇 |
1968年 | 1篇 |
1966年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有226条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
61.
AbstractIt is customary to argue that foreign policy is very much dominated by the executive, with parliaments wielding limited influence. However, with the exception of the US Congress, legislative?executive relations in the realm of foreign and security policy have attracted remarkably little scholarly attention. Drawing on a principal?agent framework, this collection scrutinises the conventional wisdom of ‘executive autonomy’ in foreign affairs, indicating that even though parliaments have arguably become more involved in foreign and security policy over time, any notions of parliamentarisation need to be treated with caution. While expectations of consensus in the name of the national interest continue to play an important role in foreign policy decision-making, the papers highlight the role of party-political contestation structuring parliamentary debates and votes in this increasingly politicised issue area. This introductory paper introduces the analytical framework and hypotheses guiding the contributions in this collection, summarises their main findings and suggests avenues for future research. 相似文献
62.
Citizens have always had an important role in the crime control process; they are most often responsible for the detection
of crime. It is imperative, therefore, that citizens perceive police officers to be competent and just in the execution of
their duties; in the absence of such confidence, the process suffers. Ironically, the groups which are most often the victims
of crime hold the most negative attitudes toward the police. Minorities in urban communities, particularly blacks, fit this
pattern. These attitudes appear to be linked to the perception of negative, differential experiences with the police, experiences
which often lead to the filing of a formal complaint. Using a data set from the complaint files of a large American city,
this article explores the relationship between the attitudes of blacks toward the police, experiences with the police, and
complaints lodged against the police. 相似文献
63.
64.
65.
This article examines the impact of one- and two-officer patrol units on police-citizen interactions which resulted in the filing of citizen complaints against the officer(s). Specifically, it is hypothesized that there is no difference between one- and two-officer units (1) in the rate of injuries to officers in hostile police-citizen interactions, (2) in the number of citizen complainant injuries received in such interactions, (3) in the number of resisting arrest-type charges placed against the citizen, and (4) in the type of charge placed against the citizen in the incident. The data indicate that the impact of staffing is felr more by citizens than officers. When controlling for shift and dangerousness of precinct of occurrence, citizens were found to be more likely to be injured in hostile police-citizen encounters than the police, especially when two officers were present. Officers in two-officer units were more likely to arrest the citizen in the incident which precipitated the complaint and the arrest of that citizen was most likely to be for the more serious charge of assaulting an officer. The results suggest that lone officers resolve more disputes without resorting to formal outcomes. The implications of these findings for police patrol strategy are discussed. 相似文献
66.
67.
68.
69.
This article summarises the findings from a study of what constituents want from their local Member of Parliament. 1 We make use of a survey technique known as conjoint analysis, wherein we present a national sample of British voters with profiles of hypothetical MPs who vary randomly in their characteristics, activities and behaviour. We find that voters like MPs who are independent from the party line and who do not focus exclusively on national policy work. MPs' gender and experience matter far less to constituents. Overall, voters want a Parliament made up of strong‐minded MPs who see their role as that of a constituency representative. This has important implications for parliamentary democracy in Britain. 相似文献
70.