排序方式: 共有38条查询结果,搜索用时 7 毫秒
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Ekaterina Tarasova 《欧亚研究》2014,66(10):1737-1738
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Lorine A. Hughes Olena Antonaccio Ekaterina V. Botchkovar 《Journal of Quantitative Criminology》2020,36(1):67-94
Estimates the prevalence of animal abuse in Nizhni Novgorod, Russia, and Lviv, Ukraine, assesses the sociodemographic characteristics of animal abusers in these cities, and provides the first empirical test of Agnew’s (Theor Criminol 2(2):177–209, 1998) theory of the causes of animal abuse. Logistic regression and generalized structural equation models are estimated using interview data from 1435 randomly-sampled adults in 41 neighborhoods in Lviv and Nizhni Novgorod. Animal abuse was quite rare among respondents and committed mostly by males and younger individuals. Consistent with Agnew’s theory, low self-control, animal-abusing peers, justifying beliefs, and perceived benefits all were associated with statistically significantly increased likelihood of animal abuse. In addition, justifying beliefs and perceived benefits mediated a significant and substantial share of the effects of self-control and animal-abusing peers on animal abuse. Contrary to theoretical expectations, perceived costs appeared unrelated to animal abuse net of the effects of other predictors. People who abuse animals appear to do so partly because, due to low self-control and exposure to animal-abusing peers, they hold beliefs justifying the behavior and perceive greater benefits associated with it. 相似文献
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This framing paper introduces the symposium on gender and the radical right. With the exception of a few recent studies, gender issues have received little attention in research on the European radical right. The purpose of this symposium is to address that and examine (1) whether radical right parties are still ‘men’s parties’ – parties led and supported primarily by men and (2) to what extent and how women and women’s concerns have been included by these parties. It argues that radical right parties have changed their appeal since their origins in the 1980s. There is now evidence of the fact that radical right parties, at least in some countries, exhibit an active political involvement of women and engage in some representation of women’s concerns. This puts them in a more ‘standardised’ political position vis-à-vis other parties. Given the current lack of focus on this topic, and given the recent gendered changes in radical right parties, this symposium stresses the academic and political importance of studying gender relations in radical right politics. 相似文献
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Scott Gehlbach Konstantin Sonin Ekaterina Zhuravskaya 《American journal of political science》2010,54(3):718-736
Why and when do businessmen run for public office rather than rely upon other means of influence? What are the implications of their participation for public policy? We show formally that “businessman candidacy” and public policy are jointly determined by the institutional environment. When institutions that hold elected officials accountable to voters are strong, businessmen receive little preferential treatment and are disinclined to run for office. When such institutions are weak, businessmen can subvert policy irrespective of whether they hold office, but they may run for office to avoid the cost of lobbying elected officials. Evidence from Russian gubernatorial elections supports the model's predictions. Businessman candidates emerge in regions with low media freedom and government transparency, institutions that raise the cost of reneging on campaign promises. Among regions with weaker institutions, professional politicians crowd out businessmen when the rents from office are especially large. 相似文献
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This study examined the effectiveness of an abbreviated version of the Structured Interview of Reported Symptoms (SIRS-A)
in identifying malingered mental illness. The SIRS-A is comprised of 69 items drawn from the SIRS (R. Rogers et al. 1992,
SIRS: Structured Interview of Reported Symptoms: Professional Manual. Odessa, FL: Psychological Assessment Resources, Inc.), substantially reducing the administration time. A simulation design
was used with three samples; 87 psychiatric outpatients who responded honestly were compared to 29 community-dwelling adults
and 24 psychiatric patients instructed to malinger psychopathology. The SIRS-A generated sensitivity comparable to or exceeding
that of the SIRS normative data, but specificity was poorer; many genuinely impaired patients were misclassified as malingering.
Although these findings suggest the SIRS-A may be an effective means to assess malingering in psychiatric populations, further
research assessing the reasons for the elevated false positive rates is necessary. 相似文献
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Ekaterina Kalemeneva 《欧亚研究》2019,71(3):426-449
AbstractThe article examines a crucial shift in models of domestication of the Soviet Far North during the Thaw period. The closure of the Gulag system and the social transformations of the 1950s caused changes in the social space of the Soviet North and in the role of expert knowledge in the USSR. By focusing on modernist urban projects for the Soviet Arctic, I analyse how urban specialists during the Thaw attempted to formulate a new conception of the North as a place for ‘ordinary life’ and therefore transform a peripheral region into an ‘average’ Soviet space. 相似文献
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Dmitrii Tokman Ekaterina Dobrynina Irina Stepura Savik Brauman Svetlana Emel'ianova 《Statutes & Decisions: The Laws of the USSR & Its Successor States》2013,48(6):70-79
The authors of Federal Law No. 131 "On the General Principles of the Organization of Local Self-Government in the Russian Federation" knew what they were doing when they provided a three-year "transition period" for their creation. The law entered into force in its full measure in far fewer than all of the regions of the country and there is plenty of confusion. And the situation with authority and money among the bodies of local self-government recalls the well-known old anecdote concerning the fate of money under communism: some have it and some do not. 相似文献
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Ekaterina Levintova 《欧亚研究》2010,62(8):1339-1361
This article explores whether and how pre-communist images and stereotypes of Russia and Russians and Poland and Poles are being perpetuated in the framing of Russian–Polish relations by the contemporary Russian and Polish print media. It is hypothesised that the stable core of pre-communist Russian public discourse about Poland and Polish narratives of Russia survived the forced internationalism of the communist period and is present today, although it is also being reimagined at the margins. Using a sample of 1,208 articles from Russian and Polish daily newspapers, the article examines contemporary narratives and their relationship to the old discourses. 相似文献