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This article explores the potential contribution to a better understanding and practice of urban security from participatory research methodologies with communities most affected by insecurity and violence. It focusses on the case of Medellín, Colombia, and analyses the key features and impacts of what is known as the ‘Medellín Model’, an approach to urban security widely regarded as innovative and successful. It locates this approach in a history of efforts to reframe security in Latin America, where urban violence has escalated greatly. The shift from ‘security as repression’ to ‘security as management’ has ushered in new models for governing ‘ungoverned’ neighbourhoods. The scrutiny of the effectiveness of these models is limited, however, by the accumulated mistrust and fear in such spaces. This article analyses a methodology for researching security practice on the ground. The paper assesses what difference it makes when academic, civic and social organisations come together to co-produce knowledge with community researchers living in the midst of mutating forms of violence. The methodology, it is argued, enables those most impacted by chronic violence to highlight how insecurity is differentially experienced and to show they can exercise agency in public security policies, making these more relevant and sustainable.  相似文献   
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This article offers an interdisciplinary analysis of the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) in the context of electronic identification schemes. Gov.UK Verify, the UK Government's electronic identification scheme, and its compatibility with some important aspects of EU data protection law are reviewed. An in-depth examination of Gov.UK Verify's architecture and the most significant constituent elements of both the Data Protection Directive and the imminent GDPR – notably the legitimising grounds for the processing of personal data and the doctrine of joint controllership – highlight several flaws inherent in the Gov.UK Verify's development and mode of operation. This article advances the argument that Gov.UK Verify is incompatible with some major substantive provisions of the EU Data Protection Framework. It also provides some general insight as to how to interpret the requirement of a legitimate legal basis and the doctrine of joint controllership. It ultimately suggests that the choice of the appropriate legal basis should depend upon a holistic approach to the relationship between the actors involved in the processing activities.  相似文献   
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Quantification and aging of the post-blast residue of TNT landmines   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
Post-blast residues are potential interferents to chemical detection of landmines. To assess the potential problem related to 2,4,6-trinitrotoluene (TNT), its post-blast residue was identified and quantified. In the first part of this study laboratory-scale samples of TNT (2 g) were detonated in a small-scale explosivity device (SSED) to evaluate the explosive power and collect post-blast residue for chemical analysis. Initiator size was large relative to the TNT charge; thus, issues arose regarding choice of initiator, residue from the initiator, and afterburning of TNT. The second part of this study detonated 75 to 150 g of military-grade TNT (typical of antipersonnel mines) in 55-gal barrels containing various witness materials (metal plates, sand, barrel walls, the atmosphere). The witness materials were analyzed for explosive residue. In a third set of tests, 75-g samples of TNT were detonated over soil (from Fort Leonard Wood or Sandia National Laboratory) in an indoor firing chamber (100 by 4.6 by 2.7 m high). Targeted in these studies were TNT and four explosive-related compounds (ERC): 2,4-dinitrotoluene (DNT), 1,3-dinitrobenzene (DNB), 2- and 4-aminodinitrotoluene (2-ADNT and 4-ADNT). The latter two are microbial degradation products of TNT. Post-blast residue was allowed to age in the soils as a function of moisture contents (5 and 10%) in order to quantify the rate of degradation of the principal residues (TNT, DNT, and DNB) and formation of the TNT microbial degradation products (2-ADNT and 4-ADNT). The major distinction between landmine leakage and post-blast residue was not the identity of the species but relative ratios of amounts. In landmine leakage the DNT/TNT ratio was usually greater than 1. In post-blast residue it was on the order of 1 to 1/100th of a percent, and the total amount of pre-blast residue (landmine leakage) was a factor of 1/100 to 1/1000 less than post-blast. In addition, landmine leakage resulted in low DNT/ADNT ratios, usually less than 1, whereas pre-blast residues started with ratios above 20. Because with time DNT decreased and ADNT increased, over a month the ratio decreased by a factor of 2. The rate of TNT degradation in soil observed in this study was much slower than that reported when initial concentrations of TNT were lower. Degradation rates yielded half-lives of 40 and 100 days for 2,4-DNT and TNT, respectively.  相似文献   
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ABSTRACT

Given contexts of globalization and transnationalism, and calls within the academe for new vocabularies to describe contemporary migrations and encounters, this article looks to the visual arts in its proposal of a lexicon for articulating mobilities and self-fashioning. In its consideration of a post-diaspora theory, the article lays a foundation for its argument by putting the ideas of philosopher Jean-Paul Sartre in dialog with the work of Trinidadian-born, US-based contemporary artist Nicole Awai, specifically the artworks in which she attends to the notion of a black ooze. Rather than dislocation and disjuncture, the article posits the idea of the viscous or the ooze as a symbol of diverse affiliations and nuanced mobilities. Furthermore, the ooze is advanced as a means of understanding post-diaspora in gendered terms. The article asks: what forms of expression are available to reconfigure identities as post-diasporic? It argues that Nicole Awai’s work is one such expression.  相似文献   
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With data from a 1990–1992 panel survey determinants and political consequences of attitudes towards the abortion law in Germany are investigated. Compared to other issues, the topic is found not to be personally very salient to the average respondent. If it is perceived as highly important, however, such attitudes can be well accounted for, and have significant effects on voting intentions. General value orientations emerge as most important determinants, and the strongest impact on partisan preferences is found among women in the former GDR.  相似文献   
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Abstract

The machinery of governance to address climate change at the sub-national level in England continues to evolve. Drawing on documentary evidence and the views of civil servants and local authority officials from the English West Midlands, this article explores the process through an examination of the inclusion of climate change indicators in the recent round of Local Area Agreements (LAAs), negotiated between central government and local authorities and Local Strategic Partnerships. Considerable popularity has been accorded these indicators nationally, but there are important variations in the pattern of take up. Moreover, significant uncertainties surround the contribution of local measures to reduce CO2 emissions and the targets attached to measures to adapt to climate change are seen as undemanding. Conversely, the impending Carbon Reduction Commitment will act as a powerful incentive for public bodies to cut CO2 emissions from their estates. Although potentially contributing to greater coherence in tackling climate change, achieving collective action through LAAs will prove problematic.  相似文献   
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