全文获取类型
收费全文 | 875篇 |
免费 | 22篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 70篇 |
工人农民 | 29篇 |
世界政治 | 80篇 |
外交国际关系 | 60篇 |
法律 | 356篇 |
中国政治 | 9篇 |
政治理论 | 288篇 |
综合类 | 5篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 5篇 |
2022年 | 3篇 |
2021年 | 4篇 |
2020年 | 6篇 |
2019年 | 24篇 |
2018年 | 21篇 |
2017年 | 25篇 |
2016年 | 28篇 |
2015年 | 16篇 |
2014年 | 20篇 |
2013年 | 173篇 |
2012年 | 21篇 |
2011年 | 22篇 |
2010年 | 23篇 |
2009年 | 25篇 |
2008年 | 33篇 |
2007年 | 18篇 |
2006年 | 28篇 |
2005年 | 26篇 |
2004年 | 32篇 |
2003年 | 30篇 |
2002年 | 22篇 |
2001年 | 24篇 |
2000年 | 17篇 |
1999年 | 16篇 |
1998年 | 17篇 |
1997年 | 16篇 |
1996年 | 13篇 |
1995年 | 15篇 |
1994年 | 13篇 |
1993年 | 18篇 |
1992年 | 11篇 |
1991年 | 10篇 |
1990年 | 9篇 |
1989年 | 13篇 |
1988年 | 12篇 |
1987年 | 11篇 |
1986年 | 9篇 |
1985年 | 9篇 |
1984年 | 10篇 |
1983年 | 6篇 |
1982年 | 5篇 |
1981年 | 6篇 |
1979年 | 3篇 |
1978年 | 5篇 |
1976年 | 2篇 |
1975年 | 3篇 |
1974年 | 2篇 |
1972年 | 3篇 |
1969年 | 4篇 |
排序方式: 共有897条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
741.
Philip S. Gorski 《Society》2014,51(6):623-635
There is no simple formula for religious peace in the United States, such as “separation of church andstate.” Instead, the US Constitution establishes two opposing principles -- religious freedom and civicinclusion -- that must be continually rebalanced. The legal result is a “serpentine wall” between church andstate that creates zones of cooperation as well as separation. Moreover, the relatively peaceful coexistence ofdiverse religious communities within the United States is due, not simply to the principles of the FirstAmendment, but also to the de-spatialized and de-ritualized character of American religion, and to the absence of explicitly confessional parties in the American polity. 相似文献
742.
743.
Philip H. J. Davies 《Intelligence & National Security》2013,28(3):55-76
This article examines the post‐war dismantling of the Special Operations Executive (SOE) and amalgamation with the Secret Intelligence Service (SIS). It is argued that the existing literature has been unclear on this matter, confusing two very different SIS departments, the Special Operations Branch and the Special Political Action Section. The article then examines how the assets and personnel of SOE were dispersed to three different divisions of the SIS; the Directorates of Production, Training and Development and War Planning, and then examines the separate origins and function of the Special Political Action Section. 相似文献
744.
Kerstin Hamann Alison Johnston Alexia Katsanidou John Kelly Philip H. Pollock 《West European politics》2013,36(1):206-227
Do electoral pressures provide an explanation for why governments offer pacts to unions and employers rather than acting through legislation when faced with the need to pass potentially unpopular reforms to welfare policies, wages, and labour markets? This article addresses that question by analysing whether governments’ pursuit of pacts affects their vote share and increases the probability that they gain re-election for 16 West European countries between 1980 and 2012. It is found that the presence of social pacts has a significant and positive effect on incumbents’ vote shares at the next election and also results in a higher probability of re-election. These results are conditioned by government type: While all types of governments benefit electorally from pacts, the electoral penalties from the pursuit of unilateral legislation on policy reforms harm single-party majorities the most, minority governments moderately, and coalition majorities the least. 相似文献
745.
This paper uses multiple national datasets to examine the financial, structural, neighborhood, and tenant characteristics of 1–4 unit low-end rental properties, which house 44 percent of all poor renters in US cities. We investigate the feasibility of two strategies to stabilize these properties: (1) outsourcing property management, and (2) transferring bundles of properties to large owners to generate economies of scale, cash reserves, and lower financing costs. We find that approximately five percent of small affordable rental properties are stable, 65 percent are salvageable but at risk, and about 30 percent are not salvageable. For roughly 19 percent of the salvageable properties, a key problem is high vacancy rates, which could be addressed by professional tenant placement services. Bundling has greater potential, but requires purchases at below market prices, amounting to a subsidy. 相似文献
746.
This article argues that there is an inherent tension in legislative intelligence oversight bodies between their responsibility to the voters who elect them and their political parties who select them to run for office. At a time of acute political crisis, the partisan interests of the legislators who sit on oversight bodies may override their other responsibilities. This can result in distorted and misleading investigations and reports. This hypothesis is examined against the evidence of precisely such a mode of failure in both the British and American legislative inquiries into intelligence on Iraqi ‘weapons of mass destruction’. The authors conclude that any effective oversight must include a range of parallel legislative, judicial, executive and independent mechanisms to try and minimize the inherent weaknesses in each oversight model. 相似文献
747.
748.
Philip Leech 《Democratization》2013,20(6):1011-1029
The Palestinian Authority's (PA) claim to embody the spirit of the “Arab Spring”, through its recent “state-building” agenda – including its elevation to “non-member observer status” at the United Nations – is disingenuous. This conclusion rests on three key arguments outlined in this article. First, this article identifies a continuation of broader patterns of authoritarianism represented by the PA's lack of adherence to democratic practices, the deprivation of access for the Palestinian population to basic resources and the wider issue of the continued absence of Palestinian sovereignty. Second, it identifies the intensification of some authoritarian practices within Palestine, particularly in the areas of security and policing, for example by the use of force against protestors. Finally, this article identifies that civil-society groups and opposition supporters throughout 2011–2012 have more genuinely embodied evidence of resistance to authoritarianism in popular demonstrations against the PA. 相似文献
749.
Daniel Boduszek Gary Adamson Mark Shevlin John Mallett Philip Hyland 《Journal of Police and Criminal Psychology》2013,28(1):15-25
The aim of this paper is to focus on the factors that can significantly contribute to the presence of criminal social identity within a sample of recidivistic prisoners (N?=?312) using structural equation modelling. Six latent variables were identified: criminal associations with close friends, positive self-esteem, negative self-esteem, cognitive centrality, in-group affect, and in-group ties. Results suggest that criminal social identity is characterized by various internal and external factors including the direct effects of associations with criminal friends, which is influenced by insufficient or absent parental supervision at an early stage of development. It was also found that early peer rejection is not a sufficient predictor of associations with criminal friends and the criminal social identity. This study also provides further support for Social Identity Theory with regards to the role of self-esteem in the development of criminal social identification. 相似文献
750.
Examining one unsuccessful private members’ bill (PMB) ‐ Kevin McNamara's Wild Mammals (Protection) Bill which would have prohibited hunting ‐ this case study examines many of the non‐legislative functions of the British Parliament. Even unsuccessful PMBs ‐ and this was a PMB whose failure was preordained ‐ have many consequences for both parliament and the wider political system of which it is an integral part. PMBs can perform an important ‘exit’ function, taking the decision away from a reluctant executive. They can help to set the agenda of political debate, generating publicity for parliament (as a body), the issue itself and the member promoting the bill. They generate correspondence between represented and representatives, helping to inform and educate. They can be used as a party‐political weapon and may have electoral consequences. They may also affect the legitimacy of the political system. PMBs are far from parliamentary white elephants. 相似文献