全文获取类型
收费全文 | 2551篇 |
免费 | 71篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 166篇 |
工人农民 | 93篇 |
世界政治 | 239篇 |
外交国际关系 | 176篇 |
法律 | 1082篇 |
中国政治 | 31篇 |
政治理论 | 809篇 |
综合类 | 26篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 11篇 |
2021年 | 15篇 |
2020年 | 33篇 |
2019年 | 73篇 |
2018年 | 76篇 |
2017年 | 76篇 |
2016年 | 74篇 |
2015年 | 54篇 |
2014年 | 69篇 |
2013年 | 457篇 |
2012年 | 72篇 |
2011年 | 56篇 |
2010年 | 61篇 |
2009年 | 67篇 |
2008年 | 85篇 |
2007年 | 78篇 |
2006年 | 76篇 |
2005年 | 61篇 |
2004年 | 69篇 |
2003年 | 69篇 |
2002年 | 69篇 |
2001年 | 53篇 |
2000年 | 57篇 |
1999年 | 54篇 |
1998年 | 38篇 |
1997年 | 45篇 |
1996年 | 34篇 |
1995年 | 38篇 |
1994年 | 34篇 |
1993年 | 39篇 |
1992年 | 34篇 |
1991年 | 34篇 |
1990年 | 29篇 |
1989年 | 34篇 |
1988年 | 30篇 |
1987年 | 37篇 |
1986年 | 32篇 |
1985年 | 29篇 |
1984年 | 35篇 |
1983年 | 23篇 |
1982年 | 25篇 |
1981年 | 19篇 |
1980年 | 16篇 |
1979年 | 22篇 |
1978年 | 19篇 |
1977年 | 12篇 |
1976年 | 10篇 |
1975年 | 14篇 |
1974年 | 9篇 |
1967年 | 8篇 |
排序方式: 共有2622条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
121.
Nation-wide surveys of graduate programs in public administration/affairs support assertions by critics that most programs do not provide students with adequate preparation for coping with information technology. This paper identifies the computer-related knowledge and skills demanded by the contemporary administrative workplace and, after analyzing the sufficiency of current curricula offerings, proposes three goals for education in the use and management of information technology and suggests curriculum revisions necessary to reach these goals. Finally, implementation problems associated with curricula revisions are identified and discussed. 相似文献
122.
123.
The adage that “it is always easier to fight the last war” is one that readily can be applied to the United States and its armed forces for not predicting the scale and type of operations encountered in the occupations of Iraq and Afghanistan. This article argues that the lack of preparation in the post-invasion phases arose from an institutional attachment to a preferred paradigm of warfare, as exemplified by the Persian Gulf War of 1991. This paradigm, though, has been substantially resurrected and re-configured to suit the fighting preferences of the American armed forces in its protracted encounters in Iraq and Afghanistan. Far from re-orienting its organization and mindset to meet the challenges of so-called counterinsurgency campaigns, as much current advocacy maintains, the military has reverted to the form of warfare it knows best. 相似文献
124.
Jeffery J. Mondak Edward G. Carmines Robert Huckfeldt Dona-Gene Mitchell Scot Schraufnagel 《American journal of political science》2007,51(1):34-48
Two features of citizen response to Congress can be taken as grounds for concern. First, Americans know relatively little about Congress, and especially about congressional procedures and policy output. Second, Congress typically emerges as the least respected political institution. Although these matters are troubling when viewed individually, more disturbing is the dilemma posed when knowledge and attitudes toward Congress are viewed in tandem. It appears that citizens who know Congress the best like Congress the least. Consequently, a sophisticated polity and a well-respected legislature seem fundamentally incompatible. This article seeks to resolve this dilemma, contending that there is nothing about knowledge per se that leads citizens to view Congress unfavorably. Rather, differences in knowledge levels alter the considerations citizens bring to bear when evaluating Congress, with the best-informed individuals constructing judgments on the basis of the most relevant Congress-specific criteria while less knowledgeable citizens employ readily available but more peripheral criteria. 相似文献
125.
Using a case study of a controversial mine in an indigenous area of Guatemala, this article explores the transnational dynamics of development and regulation of large‐scale extractive industry projects in the developing world. It examines the roles played in the Marlin mine dispute by national law, international law, international financial institutions, and corporate social responsibility. It concludes that these legal regimes have a role in protecting human rights but have not addressed the fundamental questions of democratic governance raised by this case. 相似文献
126.
Jennifer Langhinrichsen Edward Lichtenstein John R. Seeley Hyman Hops Dennis V. Ary Elizabeth Tildesley Judy Andrews 《Journal of youth and adolescence》1990,19(6):623-635
Parental reports of adolescent substance use were compared to the adolescents' self-reports using identical scales. Congruence was defined as exact agreement on whether adolescents were current users, ex-users, or never-users. Both parents were found to be less accurate in predicting their adolescents' alcohol use compared to cigarette or marijuana use. Single mothers were significantly less likely to be congruent than were mothers from two-parent households. Mother and father congruence on all substances was unrelated to the adolescent's sex, race, or after school employment. For both parents, congruence for adolescent marijuana use was significantly related to the age and GPA of the adolescent. Congruence may also reflect important properties of family functioning, as significant relations were found between both adolescent and parent ratings of family cohesion and parent-adolescent congruence on perceptions of marijuana use.This research was supported by Grant DA03706 from the National Institute of Drug Abuse (Hyman Hops, Principal Investigator).Jennifer Langhinrichsen is a doctoral candidate in psychology interested in adolescent and family interactions. The other authors are psychologists or data analysts working on family influences on substance use and mental health. 相似文献
127.
Rev. Edward M. Bryce 《政策研究评论》1994,13(1-2):187-194
"We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. That, to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed." These words from the Preamble to the Declaration of Independence, proclaimed a conviction and announced a challenge for our newly formed nation. Today, they either stir the American heart with pride or generate nostalgia for a time when any truth was self-evident and the right to life was deemed inalienable. 相似文献
128.
129.
The assumption that candidates make a difference to electoral outcomes in British general elections is tested through a comparison of the 1983 and 1987 general elections. Incumbent's Constituency-specific Vote Change (ICVC) between the June 1983 and June 1987 British general elections is measured by subtracting the average regional vote change for the incumbent's party from the constituency vote change registered by the incumbent. Regression analysis finds ICVC to be most significantly influenced in both the Labour and Conservative parties by the incumbent's length of tenure, displayed especially in the higher ICVC registered by first-term incumbents than by more senior incumbents. Variables indicating the security or insecurity of the seat in electoral terms are significantly related to ICVC in the Conservative but not in the Labour case. The findings for Labour indicate ICVC to be greater where electoral security is greater. This finding might be explained by successful Conservative party concentration on constituencies in which Labour incumbents appear to be vulnerable. 相似文献
130.
The defining properties of party identification long established for the United States fail with some frequency to be replicated in electoral systems abroad. A number of plausible suggestions have been made to account for this system-level variability: Most of these have some face merit, but none taken alone is adequate to provide a full cross-system explanation. Variation in party system size or fractionalization has recently been discussed as another source of differential dynamics of party loyalties. Unfortunately, the conventional means of assessing party identification properties are subject to rather severe artifacts, typically ignored, when comparisons are made across systems of very different party size. The conceptual stakes underlying key methods options for such comparisons—most notably, between continuous and discrete statistical tools—are examined. The use of continuous statistics for systems of very multiple parties rests on an assumption that voters do in some degree regard these party systems as imbedded in a continuous space. A simple test for this assumption is mounted in four systems and unsurprisingly it shows very clear support. Analysis of residuals beyond this obvious result add several points of less obvious information about the distribution of party affect in such systems. 相似文献