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741.
Some studies have contended that direct democracy has secondary benefits unrelated to its impact on policy. In particular,
recent scholarship claims that the American ballot initiative process enhances political efficacy. We began with concerns
about the logic and empirical methods underlying this conclusion. We connect this research to the broader political psychology
literature and in doing so find little reason to expect a positive relationship between direct democracy and efficacy. Our
other contribution is to subject the empirical claim to more extensive testing. In contrast to prior research, we draw from
multiple data sources and consider sampling methods. The results consistently fail to indicate that direct democracy generally
enhances political efficacy. We find cause for skepticism about the secondary benefits of the ballot initiative process.
相似文献
Edward L. Lascher Jr.Email: |
742.
S. Philip Hsu 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2009,68(S1):S40-S50
This article specifically attempts to answer two interrelated research questions: firstly, how do democratic consultation assemblies (DCAs) heighten public accountability in the current institutional setting of China's sub-provincial localities?; and secondly, what can be learned, from the Chinese case, in relation to achieving public accountability elsewhere? To address the first question, this article will explore two particular variations of the DCAs, and will focus on the interplay between the managerial and democratic accountability orientations to address the second question. 相似文献
743.
Wicked Problems, Knowledge Challenges, and Collaborative Capacity Builders in Network Settings 总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4
Networks have assumed a place of prominence in the literature on public and private governing structures. The many positive attributes of networks are often featured—the capacity to solve problems, govern shared resources, create learning opportunities, and address shared goals—and a literature focused on the challenges networks pose for managers seeking to realize these network attributes is developing. The authors share an interest in understanding the potential of networks to govern complex public, or "wicked," problems. A fundamental challenge to effectively managing any public problem in a networked setting is the transfer, receipt and integration of knowledge across participants. When knowledge is viewed pragmatically, the challenge is particularly acute. This perspective, the authors argue, presents a challenge to the network literature to consider the mind-set of the managers—or collaborative capacity-builders—who are working to achieve solutions to wicked problems. This mind-set guides network managers as they apply their skills, strategies, and tools in order to foster the transfer, receipt, and integration of knowledge across the network and, ultimately, to build long-term collaborative problem-solving capacity. 相似文献
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Rebecca Lievesley Belinda Winder Christine Norman Philip Banyard 《Victims & Offenders》2018,13(3):409-426
Short-sentenced (less than 12 months) offenders in the United Kingdom consistently account for the greatest number of discharges from prison and demonstrate the highest risk and rate of reoffending. Moreover, until recent changes in UK legislation in 2015, individuals serving short sentences were released into the community with little support postrelease. The present study presents an exploration of (re)offending in individuals who have already served multiple short sentences in custody and aims to understand their experiences, perceptions, and insight into their offending. Is there anything apropos short sentences specifically, or those who continually serve them, that can explain the high rates of reoffending in this population? Semistructured interviews were conducted with eight prisoners currently serving short custodial sentences. Interpretative phenomenological analysis was implemented deriving three superordinate themes from the rich dataset: (a) living short sentences, (b) “You’d do the same if you were me,” and (c) negotiating an identity. 相似文献
748.
Edward Goldring 《Democratization》2018,25(6):996-1015
ABSTRACTWhat factors increase the likelihood of nomination violence? Nomination violence can be an expression of both horizontal conflict, between local political elites, and vertical conflict, between national and local elites. We theorize about factors that may increase the risks of vertical and horizontal conflict and leverage a unique dataset of constituency-level nomination violence obtained from surveys with 464 domestic election observers active in the 2016 Zambian general election. Our statistical analyses show constituencies with an incumbent standing for re-election were more likely to experience nomination violence. Also, contrary to previous research on general election violence, we theorize and find that more rural constituencies had a higher propensity for nomination violence than urban constituencies. Our findings highlight the importance of intra-party power relations and the bargaining relationship between the centre and periphery. 相似文献
749.
By looking at the autoplay videos posted and shared on Hillary Clinton’s Facebook account during the 2015/2016 primary election season, this article offers much needed insight into the communication aspect of campaign targeting. Using data analysis extracted from the leading social media platform, the article examines what groups of Hispanic Facebook users were attracted to Clinton’s targeted autoplay videos, what elements within these videos best enticed these people into liking the videos, and if the Clinton campaign appeared to learn what types of autoplay videos were most effective over the course of the primary season. 相似文献
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