首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   2758篇
  免费   136篇
  国内免费   3篇
各国政治   197篇
工人农民   140篇
世界政治   263篇
外交国际关系   201篇
法律   1239篇
中国共产党   65篇
中国政治   130篇
政治理论   411篇
综合类   251篇
  2023年   26篇
  2022年   24篇
  2021年   48篇
  2020年   82篇
  2019年   97篇
  2018年   118篇
  2017年   145篇
  2016年   142篇
  2015年   103篇
  2014年   150篇
  2013年   387篇
  2012年   145篇
  2011年   133篇
  2010年   127篇
  2009年   116篇
  2008年   129篇
  2007年   161篇
  2006年   158篇
  2005年   107篇
  2004年   82篇
  2003年   65篇
  2002年   55篇
  2001年   52篇
  2000年   52篇
  1999年   23篇
  1998年   23篇
  1997年   12篇
  1996年   6篇
  1995年   14篇
  1994年   9篇
  1993年   11篇
  1992年   6篇
  1991年   8篇
  1990年   6篇
  1989年   5篇
  1988年   4篇
  1987年   7篇
  1986年   3篇
  1985年   4篇
  1984年   7篇
  1983年   3篇
  1982年   3篇
  1975年   4篇
  1974年   4篇
  1973年   2篇
  1972年   5篇
  1971年   2篇
  1967年   4篇
  1966年   4篇
  1965年   2篇
排序方式: 共有2897条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
71.
‘Non-traditional security’ (NTS) is prominently featured in the agenda of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and other ASEAN-led institutions in the Asia-Pacific. ‘NTS’ brings together a series transnational and non-military security threats that are considered common among regional states, urgent for them to attend to, and non-sensitive all at the same time. This a priori makes it a self-evident focus of attempts to bring regional security cooperation ‘to a higher plane’. However, this paper reveals that the uncontroversial character of NTS is overestimated, by shedding light on the co-existence of divergent – and potentially contradictory – interpretations of its meaning and implications in ASEAN and the wider region. In a context where ASEAN's relevance to the pursuit of regional security is increasingly being measured against its (in)ability to provide a coherent approach to security challenges that affect the region, the contested nature of NTS has important implications for the grouping's resilience in the twenty-first century.  相似文献   
72.
The relevance of videogames in the contemporary cultural ecosystem and their social impact make it necessary to develop theories and analytical models to understand the expressive potential of videogame design, and how videogames work as texts, giving shape to certain values, behavioural patterns and ideological visions. To do so, it is crucial to build a bridge between game studies and contemporary semiotics. Thus, with this aim, we present in this paper an analysis model for studying videogames as texts that combines theoretical and methodological elements from social semiotics and procedural rhetorics, a specific branch of game studies. Our model is based on four levels: the narrative, ludo-narrative, system-gameplay and designer-player dimensions. As a case study, the model is applied to the videogame The Last of Us.  相似文献   
73.
U.S. immigration control is typically understood in terms of enforcement practices undertaken by federal officers guided by legislation and court decisions. While legislation and court opinions are important components of the immigration control apparatus, they do not adequately account for immigration control ‘on the ground.’ To explore this problem, we advance the concept of paralegality, the practices and operations that constitute a dynamic system of actions and relationships that are not simply linear applications of legislation or judicial decisions but may in fact extend or counter these texts. We illustrate the importance of paralegality by reconstructing the evolution of the §287(g) and Secure Communities programs, both of which have shape-shifted dramatically since their inception. Our account of immigration control highlights the problem practice poses for law, proposes a theoretical alternative to textual-law-centric research on immigration and law enforcement, and contributes to scholarship on everyday citizenship.  相似文献   
74.
The maintenance of welfare state policies requires citizen support for the provision of a social safety net through taxation and redistribution. Research has shown that a diverse political polity presents a risk to the welfare state; however, Canada bucks the trend and does not see citizen support for economic redistribution decline in response to immigration-based population diversity. Using Canada as our case, we argue that scholars of welfare state politics and redistribution should turn their attention to other sources of population heterogeneity in an effort to better understand how different political cleavages affect citizens’ redistributive preferences. We use an online experimental survey to manipulate the in-group identity of 500 Canadians. The survey enables respondents to identify with other in-group identities along regional, linguistic, income-group, and urban/rural characteristics. Our results find that while Canadians do have a strong baseline preference for redistributive behaviour, regional and linguistic cleavages moderate this outcome.  相似文献   
75.
Several scholars have sought to elucidate voting strategies in proportional representation (PR) systems. The argument is that the existence of coalition governments forces voters to consider potential alliances and to vote in order to maximize their chances of influencing the outcome. In this paper, we argue that this vision is incomplete as PR, just as single-member district plurality, also creates incentives for voters to desert parties that have little chances of obtaining a seat in their district. We validate this theoretical claim using two different surveys conducted during the 2014 Belgian federal and regional elections. Our results show that both government and district viability have a substantial and distinct effect on vote choice.  相似文献   
76.
Regulatory reforms to public infrastructure services across European Union (EU) countries were aimed at increasing consumer welfare by introducing competition and choice into service markets. However, empirical evaluations have questioned whether these reforms have benefitted all consumers, suggesting that vulnerable groups of service users (especially those with lower levels of formal education), might be locked into poorly performing services. We assess the relationship between the level of competition in electricity and fixed telephony markets in EU countries and evaluate the affordability of these services for different socio‐educational layers. Our findings show that – although in countries where there is a relatively high frequency of switching, inequalities between socio‐educational groups are smaller and eventually disappear – competition as such does not play a part. These results suggest that demand‐side regulation that successfully enables consumer switching has the potential to equalize social welfare, thereby reflecting a possible convergence of regulatory instruments and the central aims of the welfare state in this context.  相似文献   
77.
78.
实行宪政是走向法治国家的必由之路。所谓宪政 ,就是以宪法为前提、以民主政治为核心、以法治为基石、以保障人权为目的的政治形态或政治过程。简言之 ,宪政即由宪法确认和规范的民主政治制度及其实施。为全面理解宪政概念 ,还需注意 :宪法实施是建立宪政的基本途径 ,建立有限政府是宪政的基本精神 ,树立宪法的最高权威是宪政的集中表现 ,实行法治是宪政的基石。邓小平在探索我国民主与法制建设的过程中所作的一系列思考和论述 ,形成了独具中国特色的邓小平宪政理论。在体系上 ,这一理论已构成邓小平理论不可或缺的重要组成部分 ;在实践中 ,…  相似文献   
79.
2009年5月16日,美国总统奥巴马提名时任犹他州州长的共和党人乔恩·亨茨曼(中文名为洪博培)出任美国新任驻华大使,以填补美国新政府这个空缺长达4个月之久的重要职位。洪博培于当日发表声明,接受了奥巴马总统的邀请。7月23日,洪博培出席了美国国会参议院外交关系委员会就对其提名举行的听证会。  相似文献   
80.
东亚的经济合作从20世纪60年代起步,以1967年8月东盟成立为启动标志,到亚洲爆发金融危机的30年间一直进展缓慢,并以东盟单一形式进行。  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号