排序方式: 共有55条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
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Prieto L Montesino M Salas A Alonso A Albarrán C Alvarez S Crespillo M Di Lonardo AM Doutremepuich C Fernández-Fernández I de la Vega AG Gusmão L López CM López-Soto M Lorente JA Malaghini M Martínez CA Modesti NM Palacio AM Paredes M Pena SD Pérez-Lezaun A Pestano JJ Puente J Sala A Vide M Whittle MR Yunis JJ Gómez J;Spanish Portuguese Working Group of the International Society of Forensic Genetics 《Forensic science international》2003,134(1):46-53
We report the results of Spanish and Portuguese working group (GEP) of International Society of Forensic Genetics (ISFG) Collaborative Exercise 2001-2002 on mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) analysis. 64 laboratories from Spain, Portugal and several Latin-American countries participated in this quality control exercise. Five samples were sent to the participating laboratories, four blood stains (M1-M4) and a sample (M5) consisting of two hair shaft fragments. M4 was non-human (Felis catus) in origin; therefore, the capacity of the labs to identify the biological source of this sample was an integral part of the exercise. Some labs detected the non-human origin of M4 by carrying out immuno-diffussion techniques using antihuman serum, whereas others identified the specific animal origin by testing the sample against a set of animal antibodies or by means of the analysis of mtDNA regions (Cyt-b, 12S, and 16S genes). The results of the other three human blood stains (M1-M3) improved in relation to the last Collaborative Exercises but those related to hairs yielded a low rate of success which clearly contrasts with previous results. As a consequence of this, some labs performed additional analysis showing that the origin of this low efficiency was not the presence of inhibitors, but the low quantity of DNA present in these specific hair samples and the degradation.As a general conclusion the results emphasize the need of external proficiency testing as part of the accreditation procedure for the labs performing mtDNA analysis in forensic casework. 相似文献
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Rogelio Hernndez‐Rodríguez 《拉美政治与社会》2003,45(4):97-127
The process of political transition in Mexico has fostered several institutional transformations in the political system. Such changes do not modify the system's design, but they do reactivate some basic institutions and forgotten powers that affect the operation of the political system as a whole. The state governors have undergone one of the most relevant transformations: they have gained more autonomy and have forged a new relationship with the federal executive. This essay analyzes the different actions governors have taken depending on their partisan origin. While the PAN governors focus on administrative and financial issues, the PRI governors have developed the most important political challenges to the president's authority. 相似文献
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Gregorio Alonso 《Journal of Iberian and Latin American Studies》2016,22(1):7-22
AbstractThe varying degrees of political novelty and continuity brought about by the arrival of Hispanic constitutionalism are assessed in this article. It sheds light on the adaptations and the role played by pre-existing discourses and rituals in the articulation of the self-proclaimed “liberal” institutions, both in the Iberian Peninsula and in the new independent Latin American territories. The tensions between individualistic and collectivistic representations of political power are at the centre of the analysis. The text thus seeks to make an original contribution to current debates in historiography regarding the emergence of a liberal subjectivity in the early nineteenth century and its limits. 相似文献
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Diego Alonso Salazar-Morales 《管理》2022,35(1):143-165
This article, building on the emerging theoretical corpus of “reputation theory” provides an alternative explanation about how successful policies are obtained in contexts of bureaucratic weakness and volatile politics. The argument is that politicians choose to intervene in delivering successful policies based on how contributable such policies are to construct their political reputations. The findings suggest that in both countries, less tenured politicians face higher incentives to build their reputations, so they choose to deliver better policies to accumulate “successful experiences” as vitae for electoral purposes. Tenured politicians, in turn, opt for inaction or strategic delivery, to preserve their already won political reputations. The present article brings evidence from the education sector of Peru and Bolivia, a sector that has been at the core of these countries' priorities for decades. Through a mixed methods approach involving a panel regression and in-depth interviews, results obtained largely confirm this article's claims. 相似文献
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Rogelio Alonso 《冲突和恐怖主义研究》2013,36(2):131-144
For the last thirty years the Irish republican movementcomposed of the IRA and Sinn Feinhas resorted to armed struggle as part of its strategy against British power in Northern Ireland. The cease-fire announced by the terrorist group in 1994 and the peace process that followed has signaled a historic shift in the strategic thinking of republicans. The emergence of dissident groups that reject the politicization of the movement and advocate the maintenance of the military campaign has highlighted the challenges the republican leadership faces after their acceptance of the 1998 Belfast Agreement. This article explores all of these issues and the importance of the armed struggle in the shifting republican mentality. 相似文献
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Over the last few years, Moroccans have been disproportionately involved in jihadist terrorism. Morocco has been increasingly identified as one of the largest producers of terrorists and insurgents in Afghanistan, Iraq, and throughout Europe. This article examines the factors behind the emergence of jihadist terrorism in Morocco, and how this terrorist threat has gone beyond this country's borders. Three factors have contributed to this development: the influence of global jihad on potential Moroccan jihadists; the growing Islamization of the country; and deteriorating socioeconomic conditions. In analyzing these variables, special attention will be paid to the Casablanca terrorist attacks on May 16, 2003, marking the debut of suicide terrorism in Morocco. The article will also examine the principal counterterrorist initiatives Morocco has implemented in response to this threat. 相似文献
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