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111.
Roland Weierstall James MoranGilda Giebel Thomas Elbert 《International journal of law and psychiatry》2014
Background
Recent field research has demonstrated that an attraction to aggressive behavior and cruelty is common among combatants and perpetrators involved in organized violence. The biological basis of this appetitive perception of aggression in humans has to date not been studied.Aims
We examined testosterone as a potential hormonal moderator during induction of specifically appetitive aggressive behavior in the laboratory.Method
To activate physiological responding related to appetitive aggression, 145 university students (72 women) listened to tape recordings of variants of a violent story. The perspective of the listener in the story was randomized between subjects. Participants were required to either identify as perpetrator, neutral observer, or victim. We assessed changes in saliva testosterone in response to the story. Subsequently, a series of pictorial stimuli (IAPS) with different valence ratings was presented and participants determined the length of viewing time with a button click. This viewing time for negative IAPS was assessed as a dependent variable indicating level of interest in violent scenes.Results
Men identified themselves with the perpetrator more than women irrespective of the particular perspective presented by the story. Men who responded with an increase in saliva testosterone when adopting the perpetrator perspective chose to view the negative IAPS pictures for longer intervals than participants in other conditions or those who did not exhibit a release in testosterone.Conclusions
Testosterone moderates attraction to cruel and violent cues in men, as indicated by extended deliberate viewing of violence cues. 相似文献112.
Roland Hodler 《Public Choice》2011,148(1-2):149-161
We present a model in which a conservative incumbent with preferences for low public spending can strategically run a budget deficit to prevent the left-wing opposition candidate from choosing high public spending if elected, and possibly also to ensure his own reelection. We find that the incumbent never manipulates the opposition candidate??s public spending if he can ensure his own reelection; and that a conservative incumbent who runs a budget deficit to ensure his reelection may somewhat paradoxically choose high public spending before the election. 相似文献
113.
114.
Roland Burke 《Journal of Human Rights》2017,16(2):123-141
Across the preceding 15 years, the study of the post-1945 human rights project has emerged as one of most rapidly developing fields of transnational and international history. This article surveys the current state of the art of emotionalist historiography in the sphere of human rights and humanitarianism. It identifies the value of histories of eighteenth- and nineteenth-century social movements, which have successfully begun to incorporate emotion into their analyses. The historiography of the deeper humanitarian past may well serve as the road to more nuanced histories of contemporary human rights struggles and means for integrating grand-scale political and intellectual history with the interior sentiment of individuals. Through a brief survey of emotion at various moments of the postwar rights story, the article argues that the study of shifting sentiment can substantially enrich accounts of human rights history, as it already has done in other fields. 相似文献
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116.
Roland Mousnier 《议会、议员及代表》2013,33(2):139-145
Summary For most of this century the history of the Elizabethan and Jacobean parliaments was dominated by the interpretations of Sir John Neale and Wallace Notestein. They argued that the major feature of these parliaments was the emergence of an organized opposition which contributed greatly to the constitutional development of England through their conflicts with the monarchy. This view has recently been challenged by a number of historians who stress parliament's role as a legislative body, arguing that there was a high degree of co‐operation and agreement, and that there was no organized opposition. This paper suggests that these two alternative models — political arena/ conflict and legislative body/co‐operation — are overstated and that a better model is to consider parliament as an arena in which different ‘interest groups’, ‘factions’ or ‘lobbies’ operated. It investigates a number of lobbies which are discernible from parliamentary, state and local archives and concludes that such a model enables us to return the organized puritan opposition to the history of these parliaments without their becoming the dominant feature. It allows for the interpretation that the primary function of parliament was legislative, and that this was achieved through co‐operation and consensus, while not under‐estimating the conflicts that legislation could provoke. 相似文献
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118.
Harsh Discipline and Child Problem Behaviors: The Roles of Positive Parenting and Gender 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Laura McKee Erin Roland Nicole Coffelt Ardis L. Olson Rex Forehand Christina Massari Deborah Jones Cecelia A. Gaffney Michael S. Zens 《Journal of family violence》2007,22(4):187-196
This study examined harsh verbal and physical discipline and child problem behaviors in a community sample of 2,582 parents
and their fifth and sixth grade children. Participants were recruited from pediatric practices, and both parents and children
completed questionnaire packets. The findings indicated that boys received more harsh verbal and physical discipline than
girls, with fathers utilizing more harsh physical discipline with boys than did mothers. Both types of harsh discipline were
associated with child behavior problems uniquely after positive parenting was taken into account. Child gender did not moderate
the findings, but one dimension of positive parenting (i.e., parental warmth) served to buffer children from the detrimental
influences of harsh physical discipline. The implications of the findings for intervention programs are discussed.
This research was supported by a grant from the National Institute on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism. 相似文献
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120.
Mutually beneficial agreements might fail if the parties fear contractual opportunism. Litigation is supposed to be a remedy, but it gives scope for another kind of opportunistic behavior, which we call litigational opportunism: Even known that the opponent has fulfilled his obligations, a party might bring suit. We introduce a new concept, called judicial detection skill, and show that positive judicial detection skill is a prerequisite if the court system is to deter opportunistic suits and simultaneously induce bilateral contractual compliance. The traditional literature on litigation either assumes judges with zero detection skill, or simply neglects that opportunistic suits might be successful. We prove that those models are unable to provide an answer to the question of how to prevent both types of opportunism simultaneously. 相似文献