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261.
In September 2001, ethnoreligious rioting occurred in Jos, Nigeria. Using a multistage cluster sampling technique, 290 respondents were recruited in Jos 7 to 9 months after the riot. Data were collected regarding demographics, exposure to traumatic events, and psychological symptoms. Resting pulse and blood pressure were recorded. A total of 145 (52.5%) witnessed or were victims of personal attacks, 165 (59.6%) lost their possessions, 56 (20.7%) had their homes burned, 44 (16.2%) witnessed relatives' deaths, and 8 (2.9%) were robbed. A total of 252 (89.7%) of the respondents met reexperiencing criteria, 138 (49.1%) met avoidance criteria, and 236 (84.0%) met arousal criteria for posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD). A total of 116 (41%, 95% confidence interval [CI] = 36% to 47%) met all three categories for PTSD. Only personal attacks (adjusted odds ratio = 2.8, 95% CI = 1.7 to 4.7) and a heart rate of 90 beats/min or more (adjusted odds ratio = 2.8, 95% CI = 1.4 to 5.8) were significantly related to PTSD in a multivariate model. 相似文献
262.
Roger P. Rose 《Law & social inquiry》2015,40(2):433-460
Although compulsory, many people treat jury duty as voluntary. This article examines the conceptual and empirical links between participating in voluntary activity and stated willingness to serve on a jury. We also consider the role of engaging in other normative behaviors. Analysis of 1,304 US citizens in the Survey of Texas Adults showed an initial relationship between volunteering and willingness to serve, net of personal resources, prior jury service, and prosocial attitudes. However, indicators of normative activities (voting, contacting elected officials, keeping up with medical appointments, and avoiding bars) largely eliminated this relationship. People who volunteered some, but not too much, were more willing; an analysis of domains of volunteering showed that engaging in public service work predicted willingness. Results suggest that the public service and duty‐based nature of jury participation should be emphasized to understand willingness to serve and to consider novel ways to increase summons responses. 相似文献
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Grace R. Kalfus Joseph R. Ferrari Patricia Arean David Balser Rose Cotronea Maria Franco William Hill 《Law and human behavior》1987,11(1):63-67
On January 1, 1985, the mandatory seat belt law went into effect in New York State; violators were now subject to a fine of $50.00. Police officers issued nonpenalty-based warnings during the month prior to the law's imposition. The purpose of the present study was to compare the effects of the warning versus the fine and a fine-plus-prompt condition (the prompt delivered by the experimenters) on seat belt use on a university campus. Results indicated that significantly more drivers used their sear belts during the fine conditions as compared with the warning condition and that significantly more female drivers used their seat belt during all conditions. A significant difference was not found, however, between the fine and fine-plus-prompt conditions.We gratefully acknowledge the comments of Michael Leippe on an earlier draft of this manuseript. 相似文献
265.
Raj A Clarke JG Silverman JG Rose J Rosengard C Hebert M Stein M 《International journal of law and psychiatry》2006,29(3):204-211
The current study was designed to examine associations between gender-based violence and arrests due to sex trade or drug-related charges among a statewide sample of incarcerated women in Rhode Island. Incarcerated women were asked to participate in brief pre- and posttest surveys of their experiences of violence, sexual risk and substance use behaviors, as part of a study on the effectiveness of a family planning program in a state correctional facility; data from pretest surveys (N=447) were used for current analyses. Logistic regression analyses adjusted for demographics were used to assess significant associations between gender-based violence variables (i.e., adolescent intimate partner violence (IPV), adult IPV, childhood sexual assault (SA), adolescent SA, and adult SA) and arrests due to sex trade or drug-related charges. Significant relationships were observed between arrests for sex trade and adult SA (OR=2.1, 95%CI=1.2-3.6), adolescent IPV (OR=2.5, 95%CI=1.5-4.1), and adult IPV (OR=1.7, 95%CI=1.1-2.6); no significant associations were observed for drug-related charges. Findings from the current study demonstrate that experiences of gender-based violence are associated with arrests for sex trade but not drug-related charges. Interventions for incarcerated women are needed to consider and address history of victimization from gender-based violence and its relation to women's historic and future sex trade involvement. 相似文献
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Incompatible homozygosity is seen when either the putative father is homozygous for a gene which the child lacks or when the child is homozygous for a gene which is absent from the putative father.Sixty-nine cases of paternity with incompatible homozygosity between child and putative father are reported. These cases were investigated in the HLA system and the results obtained are presented. 相似文献
270.
When the Soviet Union collapsed, most Russians had lived their entire lives in a quintessentially authoritarian culture. Having been socialized in this environment, how could citizens acquire the attitudes and behaviors necessary to support a new, more pluralistic regime? Cultural theories of political learning emphasize the primacy of childhood socialization and hold that altering initial attitudes is a decades‐long process that depends on generational replacement. Institutional theories emphasize adult relearning in response to changing circumstances regardless of socialization. Lifetime learning integrates the competing perspectives. Multilevel models using New Russia Barometer data from 1992 to 2005 confirm the persistence of some generational differences in Russian political attitudes but demonstrate even larger effects resulting from adult relearning. Lifetime learning provides the most comprehensive account and suggests that Russians would quickly acquire the attitudes and behaviors appropriate to democracy—if Russian elites supply more authentic democratic institutions. 相似文献